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MEMOIRS

OF THE

PRINCE DE TALLEYRAND

CHARLES MAURICE DE TALLEYRAND-PERIQORD, PRINCE DE BENEVENTO

AFTER K GERARD

MEMOIRS

PRINCE DE TALLEYRAND

EDITED, WITii A PREFACE AND NOTES, BT

THE DUG DE BROGLIE

OF THE FRENCH ACADEMY

TRANSLATBD BY

Mrs. ANGUS HALL

WITH AN INTRODUCTION BY

THE HONORABLE WHITELAW REID

AMERICAN hUNISTBR IN PARIS

VOLUME III

WITH PORTRAITS

G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS

NEW YORK LONDON

«7 WEST TWBNTV-THIRD ST, 27 KING WILLIAM ST., STRAND

189I

G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS

TOe Tftnlcftecbocftet ptess
1Rew J9ovl!

CONTENTS.

PART Yin.— Continued.

CONGRESS OF VIENNA.
1815.

Talleyrand wins over Lord Castlereagh — The Emperor of Russia wishes
the King of Saxony to form a kingdom on the left bank of the Rhine —
Talleyrand proposes further alliances in case of war— He denies the
right of Spain to demand satisfaction for the dismissal of M. Casa
Florez — Prussia wishes to absorb the whole of Saxony — Lord Castle-
reagh favours her demands — Bavaria, Hanover and Holland join the
Triple Alliance — Lord Castlereagh is brought to see the necessity of
preserving a Saxon Kingdom — His utter ignorance of military topo-
graphy and continental geography — Anecdote of Prince Kaunitz —
Account of the expiatory ceremony of the 21st January at Vienna —
All the sovereigns present attend it — The Austrian Emperor's want
of confidence in Metternich — Talleyrand's reasons for disapproving
of the proposed marriage between the Due de Berry and the Arch-
duchess Anne of Russia — King Louis's satisfaction at the Duke of
Wellington replacing Lord Castlereagh at Vienna — Prussia dis-
satisfied with the share of Saxony assigned her — Swedish Plenipo-
tentiary complains of the tone of the French Press as regards Bema-
dotte — Conversation between Wellington and the Emperor Alexander
respecting France — Arrangements for Saxony completed — The question
of the Slave Trade settled — Anecdote of Prussian arrogance — Question
as to the retention of the Legion of Honour — Lord Castlereagh quits
Vienna — Stops in Paris on his way home — Progress of Italian affairs —
Archduchess Marie Louise objects to receiving Lucca in place of Parma
— Metternich unwillingly admits the necessity of abandoning Murat —
Talleyrand expatiates on the principle of legitimacy — Considers that
the English by their rule in India have lost all ideas of right and
fairness^Conversation between the Emperor Alexander and Talleyrand
on European affairs — Pecuniary compensations easier to England than
any others — Her offer to pension off Murat, if France will abandon
the SlavP Trade at once — Talleyrand sees his way to utilising this

CONTENTS.

" Mania" — Summary of the treaties between the AUied Powers in 1813
against France — Metternich asks to postpone the Italian affairs until
after the King has seen Lord Castlereagh — Details of the laws for
the navigation of the Rhine — Russian duplicity with regard to Switzer-
land and Poland — Anecdotes showing the estimation in which the
Emperor Alexander was held in Vienna — Buonaparte escapes from
Elba — Swiss affairs finally concluded — Reception by the King of Saxony
at Presburg, of Talleyrand, Metternich and Wellington — Orders sent to
the allied troops to hold themselves in readiness to move — Declaration
of the Allies against Buonaparte — The Island of Elba to be occupied in
the name of the Allies — Special Conference summoned to consider the
present position — Declaration of Austria as to the Valtelline, Bormio,
and Chiavenna — Disposition of the troops sent against Buonaparte —
Emperor of Austria orders Madame de Montesquieu to give up the
charge of his grandson — King Louis obliged to quit Paris — Goes to
Ostend — Emperor Alexander's protestations of friendship and support
— Wellington leaves Vienna to take command of the troops — Treaty of
March 25th consequent on Buonaparte's invasion— Murat invades the
Papal States — Count Blacas's narrative of the King's departure from
France — Conversation between the Emperor Alexander and Lord
Clancarty respecting the future Government of France — The former
wishes the Due d'Orleans to replace Louis on the French throne-
Talleyrand leaves Vienna to join the King — Successfully frustrates a
design to postpone signing the final act of the Congress. Pages i — 127

PART IX.

THE SECOND RESTORATION— ADDENDUM— TALLEYRAND'S REPLY TO HIS

ACCUSERS.

1815.

CONTENTS. ix

carries his point with regard to the prosecutions of those who had
formed the Chamber of Peers during the hundred days — Talleyrand's
appeals for clemency not attended to— His arguments in favour of
hereditary peerages — Overbearing order issued by Comte Wurmser of
the Austrian Army — King Louis's expostulation — The allies make more
satisfactory arrangements — Talleyrand's reply to the allies on their
demand for guarantees — Lord Castlereagh's memorandum respecting
the art galleries — Talleyrand's reply in defence — Lord Wellington's
" brutal " answer — Ultimatum of the four Powers as to the guarantees
required — Talleyrand indignant at the " insolence " of the demands —
Considers a prudent answer necessary — His note to the propositions of
the allies — Reply of their ministers — King Louis dreads the consequences
of a breach — Advises conciliatory measures — Talleyrand convinced that
weakness at this point is fatal — Offers to retire — Metternich tries in vain
to persuade him to continue in office — His characteristic reply — The King
accepts his resignation— Close of this period of his political career.

Addendum — Talleyrand's reply to his accusers respecting the murder
of the Due d'Enghien Pages 128 — 223

PART X.

THE REVOLUTION OF 1830 — APPENDIX.
1830 — 1832.

CONTENTS.

Bill" — The Duke of Wellington's ministry resign — Formation of the
new Cabinet under Lord Grey — The Princess de Lieven, wife of the
Russian Ambassador — Her great influence in politics — Sketches of the
different members constituting the Conference — Arrival in England of
M. de Flahaut — He brings a scheme from the French Cabinet, for
dividing Belgium between the powers — Talleyrand's reply — Points out
the fatal policy to France of such a measure — England determines to
maintain the independence of Belgium — Various names brought forward
for the Belgian throne — The Belgians ask for the Due de Nemours —
Louis Philippe refuses — The rising in Poland hastens the solution of the
Belgian question — Talleyrand's views as to the restoration of the kingdom
of Poland — Letter from Mdme. Adelaide announcing the result of the trial
of Charles X.'s ministers — Futile protest of the King of the Netherlands
against the decision of the Conference — Prince Leopold of Saxe-Coburg
refuses the Crown of Greece — It is offered to Prince Otto of Bavaria —
M. Van de Weyer sent to London to offer the crown of Belgium to
Prince Leopold — Efforts of M. de Celles to secure the union of Belgium
with France, or the crown for the Due de Nemours — Close of the
eventful year of 1830 — Appendix containing some of Prince Talleyrand's
private correspondence Pages 224 — 324

ILLUSTRATIONS.

Charles Maurice de Talleyrand-Perigord, Prince de Benevento.

After F. Gerard . . . . . Frontispiece

Charles Maurice de Talleyrand-Perigord, Prince de Benevento.

From a bust by Michelet . . Facing page 112

Charles Maurice de Talleyrand-Perigord, Prince de Benevento.

From an engraving by Napier Facing page 224

MEMOIRS

OF THE

PRINCE DE TALLEYRAND

PART Vllh— Continued.

THE CONGRESS OF VIENNA.

1815.

THE CONGRESS OF VIENNA.

arrogance — Question as to the retention of the Legion of
Honour — Lord Castlereagh quits Vienna — Stops in Paris on
his way home — Progress of Italian affairs — Archduchess Marie
Louise objects to receiving Lucca in place of Parma — Metter-
nich unwillingly admits the necessity of abandoning Murat —
Talleyrand expatiates on the principles of legitimacy — Con-
siders that the English by their rule in India have lost all ideas
of right and fairness — Conversation between the Emperor
Alexander and Talleyrand on European affairs — Pecuniary
compensation easier to England than any others — Her offer to
pension off Murat, if France will abandon the Slave Trade at
once — ^Talleyrand sees his way to utilising this "Mania" —
Summary of the treaties between the Allied Powers in 1813
against France — Metternich asks to postpone the Italian affairs
until after the King has seen Lord Castlereagh — Details of the
laws for the navigation of the Rhine — Russian duplicity with
regard to Switzerland and Poland — Anecdotes showing the
estimation in which the Emperor Alexander was held in Vienna
— Buonaparte escapes from Elba — Swiss affairs finally con-
cluded — Reception by the King of Saxony at Presburg, of
Talleyrand, Metternich and Wellington — Orders sent to the
allied troops to hold themselves in readiness to move — Decla-
ration of the Allies against Buonaparte — The island of Elba to
be occupied in the name of the Allies — Special Conference
summoned to consider the present position — Declaration of
Austria as to the Valtelline, Bormio, and Chiavenna — Dispo-
sition of the troops sent against Buonaparte — Emperor of
Austria orders Madame de Montesquieu to give up the charge
of his grandson — King Louis obliged to quit Paris — Goes to
Ostend — Emperor Alexander's protestations of friendship and
support — Wellington leaves Vienna to take command of the
troops — Treaty of March 25 consequent on Buonaparte's inva-
sion — Murat invades the Papal States — Count Blacas's narrative
of the King's departure from France — Conversation between
the Emperor Alexander and Lord Clancarty respecting the
future Government of France — The former wishes the Due
d'Orleans to replace Louis on the French throne — Talleyrand
leaves Vienna to join the King — Successfully frustrates a
iesign to postpone signing the final act of the Congress.

MEMOIRS

PRINCE DE TALLEYRAND

No. 20.— The Prince de Talleyrand to King
Louis XVIII.

Vienna, ya«. 6, 1815.

Sire,

The courier by whom I had the honour to send your
Majesty the convention which was signed by M. de Metternich,
Lord Castlereagh, and myself, on the 3rd January, had already
been gone twenty-four hours, ere I received the letter dated
Dec. 27th, with which your Majesty has deigned to honour me.

In strengthening the hope I indulged that I had on this
occasion done nothing contrary to your Majesty's views and
intentions, your letter was the highest reward for the efforts I
had made to obtain a result so happy, though apparently so
improbable, and I could only feel, with scarcely less profound
emotion, how gratifying it is to serve a master whose feelings
both as king and man are so generous, touching, and noble.

I had just received your Majesty's letter when Lord Castle-
reagh called to see me. I thought I ought to read to him those
passages which referred to himself and the Prince Regent. He
was extremely touched by them, and wishing to acquaint ^ his
Government of the terms in which your Majesty speaks of the
Prince, he begged I would allow him to make a note of them, to
which I consented, induced by the twofold consideration of his
assurance that it should be regarded as an inviolable secret,
and that the praise given to the Prince Regent by your Majesty

■' Text : "et desirant de pouvoir faire connaitre " = "and wishing to be able to
make known." Var. : " et desirant faire connailre = "and desiring to make known."

B 2

4 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

would, under present circumstances, produce the very best
effect.

The Emperor of Russia is sending General Pozzo back to
Paris, after having detained him here for two months and a half,
without having once seen him, and there are those who maintain
that he has ordered his return because he looks upon him as a
Censor who speaks too frankly, and whom therefore he desires
to remove. The Emperor of Russia would wish your Majesty
to believe that it is out of regard to your Majesty, and in order
to do something that will be agreeable to you, that he has con-
ceived the idea ^ of giving to the King of Saxony, in place of his
own kingdom, several hundred thousands of souls on the left
bank of the Rhine. General Pozzo is to be charged with the
task of obtaining your Majesty's consent to this arrangement.
But your Majesty knows that the question of Saxony must not
be looked at solely upon the grounds of fairness, but likewise of
balance of power, that the principle of right would be violated
by the forced removal of the King of Saxony to the Rhine, and
that the King of Saxony would never give his consent thereto.
Lastly, that putting fairness on one side. Saxony could not be
given to Prussia without materially altering the relative strength
of Austria and entirely destroying the whole balance of power
in the Germanic confederation.

The attempts of the Emperor of Russia in Paris as well as
in Vienna, will therefore completely fail, owing to the prescience
of your Majesty, who has always aspired to uphold those prin-
ciples, without which there can be nothing stable in Europe, nor
in any single state, as they alone can guarantee security to each,
and peace to all. The tone adopted by General Pozzo at Vienna
was too favourable towards France to be in accord with what
the Emperor of Russia desired to do here. M. Pozzo is there-
fore to leave on Sunday or Monday, that is on the 8th or 9th.

I still believe that the occasion for war, owing to the alliance
between your Majesty, Austria and England, will not supervene ;
nevertheless, as it is only prudent to foresee the worst and be
prepared for all emergencies, it appears to me necessary lest such
should happen, to consider the best means of strengthening the
union by inducing other powers to join us. I have therefore
proposed to Lord Castlereagh and M. de Metternich, to unite
with us in negotiating with the Ottoman Porte, to make, if
needed, an advantageous diversion. They have fallen in with
my proposition, and it has been agreed that we shall give joint
instructions to the ministers of the three courts at Constanti-

1 Text: " qu'il a con9u I'idee '' = as translated. Van: "qu'il ■). donni I'idee"
= "that he had given the idea."

THE CONGRESS OF VIENNA. 5

nople. I think it advisable that your Majesty should hasten the
departure of your ambassador.

It would perhaps be advantageous to establish similar rela-
tions with Sweden, but the method of carrying this out will
have to be carefully weighed, and I shall reserve entering upon
this with your Majesty in another letter.

The funeral service on the 21st Jan. will be held in the
cathedral here, the Archbishop of Vienna officiating. He is
an old man of eighty-three, by whom the Emperor was brought
up. Nothing that can render the ceremony imposing ^ will be
omitted.

I have the honour to be. . . .

No. 23. — The Ambassadors of the King at the Congress,
TO the Minister of Foreign Affairs at Paris.

Vienna, January 6, 1815.

Monsieur le Comte,

The accord between the Austrian and English legations
and ourselves is increasing. There is perfect unanimity on the
broad principle, that the Courts of Berlin and St. Petersburg
cannot be permitted to lay down the law. The work of the
Statistical Commission, which proves that Prussia does not require
Saxony to obtain more than what the treaties had assured to
her, is now at an end, and since yesterday there are signs that the
Prussian ministry does not feel itself on quite such firm ground as
it at first believed. It now, therefore, awaits fresh proposals,
which are being prepared. Whether more or less territory is
taken from Saxony or ceded to the Grand Duchy of Warsaw, is
an Austrian question, which if carefully handled, need not pro-
voke our direct intervention, and we have only to see that the
general balance of power is preserved.

On our arrival here, every thing seemed at a standstill.
Austria, or rather her minister, took but a feeble interest in this
question of equilibrium. Now every one feels the importance of
boundary limitation, and if it is not satisfactorily settled, it will
be the fault of the Court of Vienna, and its Cabinet. As far as
it rests with us, we are hastening the conclusion of matters, so as
to terminate the Congress as soon as possible.

The report on the affairs of Switzerland is being prepared.
News received from Berne announces a change in the home
revenues of this Canton. This will facilitate the conclusion of
Swiss affairs, and we have informed the deputy of the Canton

^ Text: "imposante" = as translated. Var. ; "plus imposant" = "more
imposing."

6 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

of Berne that if he obtained the Bishopric of Bisle and the return
of the funds which are in England, it would be advantageous for
his country to consent to it, and to join in the general scheme
which the powers judge most expedient under present circum-
stances. No further result has been achieved.

Be pleased to accept

No. i6*.— King Louis XVIII. to the Prince de
Talleyrand.

Va.'R.VS,, January], iZl I.

MoN Cousin,

I have received your letter number i8. I am very well
satisfied with your converse with the two brothers.^

I confess I thought the time was passed when they would
desire to exclude my plenipotentiaries from the most important
of the deliberations. Your firmness has prevented its recurrence,
but we must not stay our hand on account of this success ; the
germ of the evil will still continue to live, as long as the powers,
whose alliance ought to have ended last April, believe in its
existence. Your letter to Lord Castlereagh is perfect, and I
defy anyone to gainsay the conclusion thereon, but I confess it
grieves me to see a false pity turning against the King of Saxony,
the sophistry used by Robespierre, to hasten the consummation
of the greatest of his misdeeds.

I am glad the Emperor of Austria has taken the law into his
own hands and defends the rights of Saxony, provided he does
not do the same to maintain the usurpation of Naples.

He does not perhaps know the real state of affairs there, but
the discoveries lately made, and the measures recently taken,
ought, however, to have enlightened him, and give you a grand
opportunity of proving to him, that there will always be those
who desire the unity of Italy, so long as there is fire on the
hearth.

They speak of undertakings, and they pretend to wish that
they had not been kept,^ but it is not thus that wrong has been
wrought. There is another cause, and one more shameful than
history has yet recorded ; for if Antony basely abandoned his
fleet and his army, it was at least himself, and not his minister,
whom Cleopatra had subjugated. But despicable as is this
obstruction, it is none the less real, and the only way to recall a

^ Lord Castlereagh and Lord Stewart.

- Text : " on pretend desirer qu'ils n'ont pas ete tenus " = as translated. Var. :
" on pretend desirer des preuvcs qu'ils n'ont pas ete tenus" = "They pretend to
wish for proofs "^^at they have not been kept."

THE CONGRESS OF VIENNA. 7

man to his senses, is to give him so many noble motives, that he
will find in them a safeguard against his little weaknesses.^

I await with impatience the letter you mention respecting the
marriage. This subject seems but secondary compared with
those now being dealt with at Vienna ; but it is urgent, in the
interests of France, that the Due de Berry should marry, and to
this end it is important that the Russian matter should be
settled.

I am much gratified by and quite reciprocate your good wishes
for the coming year. Wherefore I pray God may have you, my
dear cousin, in His safe and holy keeping.

Louis.

No. 24. — The Ambassadors of the King at the Congress
TO THE Minister of Foreign Affairs at Paris.

WlESN A., January 10, 1815.

Monsieur le Comte,

Affairs here are much the same as we had the honour
to describe to you in our last despatch.

As we therein announced, a first proposition has been made
on the part of Russia. She has asked for a counterproposal and
Prussia is engaged in drawing up a plan on which she bases her
reconstruction.

The sacrifices demanded of Saxony, do not seem objection-
able to England and still less so to Austria, although the latter
is interested in not appearing to lend herself to them.

The afifairs of Italy have not advanced since the delivery of
the Austrian memorandum on the subject of Tuscany and
Parma.

The report on the affairs of Switzerland is finished ; it will be
discussed at a sitting of the commission to be held the day after
to-morrow, the 12th. As soon as it is definitely adopted, we
shall communicate it without delay to the ministry.

Be pleased to accept. . . .

^ This passage in the king's letter refers apparently to the supposed attachment of
Prince Mettemich for Queen Caroline of Naples, wife of Murat, an attachment which
prevented his pronouncing against Murat, and in favour of the re-establishment of the
House of Bourbon in the Kingdom of Naples.

THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

No. 2x\ — The Prince de Talleyrand to King
Louis XVIII.

Vienna, December 7, 1815.

Sire,

I should not have had the honour of writing to your
Majesty to-day, if I had not had to give a reply, asked of me, by
direction of the Comte de Jaucourt.

It is with regard to the satisfaction demanded by the Court
of Madrid, for the dismissal of M. Casa Florez.

My opinion, since your Majesty has deigned to ask for it, is,
that no satisfaction whatever is due ; because satisfaction supposes
a wrong, whereas your Majesty's Cabinet has done none ; further,
if any satisfaction were due, it could not be of such a nature as
the Court of Madrid demands.

I will not trouble your Majesty by recapitulating the grounds
on which I form this opinion, having already fully explained them
in the letter which M. de Jaucourt will have the honour to submit
to you.

The extradition theory, which M. de Cevallos endeavours to
establish in accordance with the privileges of the Jews and the
customs of some ancient nations, is altogether absurd.

M. de Labrador, to whom I showed his letter, greatly deplored
it. I am inclined to believe that the Court of Madrid has some
cause of complaint which I cannot fathom, but which is quite
outside the dismissal of M. de Casa Florez, which only serves
them as a pretext.

This I gather, from the complaints, that Spain is not supported
here by France, in the affairs of Naples and the Queen of Etruria.

It is only I believe in Spain, that it has happened, that your
Majesty's Embassy has not begun by demanding the restitution
of Naples to its legitimate sovereign, and also repeated this same
demand on every occasion, both byword of mouth and in writing,
confidentially and officially. M. de Labrador has assured me
that in none of our dispatches has he found cause to think that
we did not second him to the utmost of our power. The Court
of Madrid therefore is raising grievances, which it must be
perfectly aware, have no foundation whatever.

Affairs here have made no visible progress since my last
letter. We shall I believe, have a Conference to-morrow, which
has been delayed for several days by the Prussians, who were not
ready. The subject for discussion will be the affairs of Poland
and Saxony.

Of the two principles involved in the Saxon question, one, that

THE CONGRESS OF VIENNA. g

of justice, will be quite secured ; ' the other, that of balance of
power, will be less completely so. Lord Castlereagh has not
entirely renounced his former views ; his inclination is still
strongly in favour of Prussia. He persuades himself that a too
limited restriction of the sacrifices of the King of Saxony, will
be an incalculable source of discontent to Prussia. He is
naturally irresolute and weak. His memorandum of the
lOth October embarrasses him. He would not like, he told me,
to contradict himself like M. de Metternich, who according to
him has no character to sustain, and never hesitates to change
his opinion. On the i8th of last month, he considered it would
suffice to give Prussia 400,000 souls in Saxony ; to-day he would
give double the number without any scruple ; on the 23rd of
October he wanted her total destruction.

The annihilation ^ of Saxony, as regards equilibrium, means
that of Austria more than any other power.

But M. de Metternich treats the whole with a flippancy and
indifference which always astonish me, accustomed as I am, to
these traits in him.

As for us. Sire, in order not to contradict ourselves or change
our language from one day to another, we have only to carry
out your Majesty's commands. This is the advantage gained
by following principles which do not change, instead of mere
fancies which change perpetually.

The service on the 21st January will positively be held in the
cathedral. The Archbishop, who has' been unwell for the last
few days, is now better, and it would require a Very serious
relapse to prevent his officiating.

I have the honour to be ... .

No. 178.— King Louis XVHI. to the Prince de
Talleyrand.

7ARlS,January 11, 1815.

MoN Cousin,

I have received your letter No. 19. This letter will be
a short one. Complete satisfaction with your conduct ; entire
approval of the treaty of which the courier brings you the ratifi-
cation — there you have the contents ! — I will despatch General
Ricard with all possible speed and complete secrecy, of which I
see the necessity.

1 Var. : " et c'est celui qui nous importait h plus''' = " and this is what concerns
as most."

2 Text: "La destruction'' = as translated. Var.; "La question" = "the
question."

10 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

I am greatly touched by the service which is to take place
on the 2 1 St. You will learn with equal sentiments, that here on
the same day, the precious remains of the King and Queen will
be conveyed to St. Denis, I pray that God may keep you, my
cousin, in His safe and holy keeping.

Louis.

P.S. — Whilst we are doing so well, let us endeavour to finish
the Neapolitan affair.^

12th, Morning.
I re-open my letter to tell you that General Ricard is at
present at Toulouse, where he commands a division. I have
to-night despatched a courier conveying his immediate summons
to Paris.

No. 1 8*. — King Louis XVIII. to the Prince de
Talleyrand.

Paris, January 15, 1815.

MoN Cousin,

I have received your letter No. 20. In my last despatch,
believing I was more pressed than I really was (not having
correctly calculated the time required to draw up the ratification),
I was exceedingly laconic, but pray believe, that in reading your
No. 19, 1 experienced feelings similar to yours on the receipt of
my despatch of the 27th December. I am not indifferent nor
ever shall be indifferent, to such interests as those which form the
subject of the Congress of Vienna. I can however be quite as
secure as Alexander, and even share in that security, for I have
not told you to communicate a portion of my letter to Lord
Castlereagh, knowing well that you would do so of your own
accord.

I earnestly wish to see realised the hope expressed in your
letter to the Comte de Jaucourt, that Prussia would be satisfied
without usurping Saxony. Then all would be smooth and we
should have the glory of cutting the gordian knot without the
aid of the sword. Nevertheless I approve of negotiating with
the Porte and will hasten the departure of the Marquis de
Riviere.^ He has not quite recovered from a very severe illness,
but I know his zeal.

1 This postscript does not appear in the text of the archives.

- Charles- Franjois de Riffardeau, Marquis, afterwards Due de Rivi8re, born in
1763. Entered the French Guards at seventeen. He emigrated in 1789 and became
aide-de-camp to the Comte D'Artois, who entrusted him with several missions to
Brittany and Vendee. Returning to France with Pichegru in 1804, he was arrested,

THE CONGRESS OF VIENNA. n

I am fully prepared for General Pozzo di Borgo. Were it a
question of a prince, not already a sovereign, I might with pleasure
see him form a small state on my frontier ; but to the King of
Saxony, supposing he did consent to the exchange, I could not
yet extend my hand. To be just to oneself is a sacred duty, to
be so towards others is no less so ; and he, who when only
having alms to live on, refused to abandon his rights, will not
betray those of others, equally legitimate, when he commands
more than twenty-five millions of men, and when besides justice,
he has the general interests of Europe to defend.

The Swedish question is a very delicate one. The last treaty
placed Russia in such a position, that without much trouble,
she could occupy Stockholm.^ Is it prudent to involve a kingdom
in so dangerous a war, without at the same time guaranteeing ^
to it, in case of reverses, some indemnity which it would even be
difficult to find .' Gustavus IV. has more than once told me, that
he considered his uncle was the legitimate King of Sweden ; but
in abdicating for himself, was that unfortunate Prince able also
to abdicate for his son .'* In admitting this hypothesis, which
would legitimize the election of Bernadotte, are there no conse-
quences which might cause one to hesitate ere forming an
alliance with him t I shall read with interest your reflections on
these two * points.

But the existence of Bernadotte leads me back to another
and much more dangerous one, that of Murat. My despatch of
27th December related to Naples and Saxony. We are in a
good position as regards the latter, let us work with the same
zeal and success for the former.

The Sardinian ambassador has asked me for an audience,
the Comte de Jaucourt will tell you the result. Wherefore I

tried by a military commission and condemned to death. Pardoned by the inter-
cession of the Empress and Murat, he was at first confined in the Fort of Jouy, and
afterwards condemned to transportation for life. In 1815, Louis XVIII. appointed
him Brigadier-General, and Ambassador at Constantinople ; but the return of the
Emperor prevented his departure. At the second restoration he was created a peer
of France, and governor of Corsica, and subsequently again appointed Ambassador
to the Ottoman Porte. He was recalled in 1820, created hereditary Duke in 1825,
and became Governor to the Due de Bordeaux in 1826. He died in 1828.

It is well known that the Venus of Milo, discovered by the Comte de Marcellus,
was brought to France by the Due de Riviere.

^ The Treaty of Fredrichsham (Sept. 17, 1810) by which Sweden ceded Finland
to Russia.

2 Suppressed in the text of the archives.

^ Gustavus IV., when compelled to abdicate in 1809, refused to extend this act to
his son. In 1814 he addressed a protest to the Congress against the usurpation of
Bernadotte, and claimed the Swedish throne for his son. He was however not
listened to. His son, known as the Prince de Wasa, became a Field-Marshal in the
Austrian service.

* Text: "deux" — as translated. Var. : "divers" = "different."

13 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

pray God to guard you, my cousin, in His safe and holy
keeping.

Louis.

No. 193. — King Louis XVIII. to the Prince de
Talleyrand.

V KKIS, Jamiary 19, 181 5.

MoN Cousin,

I have received your letter, No. 21. I was not in doubt
as to your opinion on the Spanish matter, but I am very glad to
find it is in accord with the measures I had taken. I am also
pleased that M. de Labrador does not share the insane ideas of
his cabinet. May he inspire it with views more in accordance
with reason and its own interests.

Last week I was well satisfied, but to-day I note with dis-
quietude Lord Castlereagh's tendency to return to his former
weaknesses, and also Prince Metternich's fickleness. The former
should bear in mind, that that which elevates a reputation, is to
uphold justice or return to it loyally, if unfortunately it has been
deviated from. The latter forgets that to aggrandize Prussia, is
to weaken Austria.

As for me I will never lend myself, as you know, to the entire
spoliation of the King of Saxony.

I believe he will be obliged to cede something, but if they
exact what would reduce him to a fourth or even a third-rate
power, I shall be no party to it. I await with impatience the
result of your conference, and I am no less anxious to see at
last the commencement of the great Neapolitan affair.

We are in the midst of mourning and grief. I would I could
have been present at the ceremonies which take place on
Saturday. The fear of gout however prevents me, but one
suffers as much in arranging for them as in being present.

Pray thank the Archbishop on my behalf, for having himself
officiated. Wherefore, my cousin, may God have you in His
safe and holy keeping.

Louis.

No. 25. — The Ambassadors of the King at the Congress
to the Minister of Foreign Affairs at Paris.

Vienna, March 19, 181 5.

Monsieur le Comte,

We have the honour to forward to you a copy of the
protocol of the last meeting of the 14th December. At the one

THE CONGRESS OF VIENNA. 13

held on the 14th of this month and of which the protocol will
not be signed until next meeting, Prince de Metternich com-
municated the reply of the Sardinian court, with respect to the
reunion of Genoa and Piedmont, and although this document
only concerns the next protocol, we transmit it to the ministry
herewith.

The fate of the imperial fiefs, over which the Sardinian
legation reserves the contingent rights of its sovereign, cannot
be definitely settled until the other affairs of Italy are arranged.
The report on Swiss affairs has been signed and been submitted
to the conference of the eight powers. As soon as a final decision
has been arrived at, it will be made known to the king.

If the influence of the Emperor of Russia had not opposed
the best interests of Switzerland, perhaps something better could
have been arranged ; but his hand, protecting as it does what-
ever pertains to ill-conceived or badly-exercised liberties, is
sufficiently powerful to obstruct those principles which would
bring about a true re-establishment.

We have nevertheless obtained all it was possible to do in
this matter, and it has been agreed to grant indemnities for the
acts of violence committed on certain estates in the Pays de
Vaud, and the Valtelline.

The commission appointed to regulate the navigation of
the large rivers has not yet assembled.

The English ministers have asked for instructions and
supplementary information on this subject. The Prussian
ministers would like to exclude France from all participation in
the control and administration of the Rhine navigation. We
find the same difficulty here that has met us everywhere and we
hope equally to triumph over it ; but you will understand, M.
le Comte, that this will form a fresh subject for discussion.

The Prince de Hardenberg has brought forward a scheme
for the reconstruction of Prussia, and you will observe with some
surprise that the whole of Saxony is therein assigned to Prussia.
But as this plan shows an excess of six hundred and eighty-one
thousand souls over the population of Prussia in 1805, and gives
seven hundred thousand souls to form a domain for the King of
Saxony, this affords some room to vindicate the question of
recognition of rights and balance of power, in arranging the new
Germanic Confederation.

Bavaria has formally agreed to the union formed between
France, Austria and England, the object of which is, not to
suffer any of the powers individually to dictate to Europe.
Holland and Hanover will also agree to this.

You have been informed, M. le Comte, that the embassy of

14 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

the king deemed it becoming to hold a funeral service on the
2ist January. The Prince de Talleyrand has requested the
king's minister at the court of Vienna to make known to the
sovereigns in the name of the French embassy that the service
will take place in the cathedral at Vienna. The sovereigns have
not only replied that they would assist at the ceremony, but
all have added expressions of sympathy for the king.

The Empress of Austria told M. de la Tour du Pin, that her
health would not admit of her being present, that she dare not
expose her nerves to such painful emotions, and begged him
therefore to present her excuses to the king, adding that she
would do so herself to Madame la Duchesse d'Angouleme. The
Archduchess Beatrice, her mother, replied at once that she would
be present. There remain only the Emperor and Empress of
Russia whose replies have not yet been received, but who, no
doubt, will also attend.

This ceremony, solemn as it is seemly, will recall an epoch
very unfortunate for France, and the century that has just passed,
but it will also give rise to beneficial reflections among nations.
I have the honour to be. . . .

No. 22^. — The Prince de Talleyrand to King Louis

XVIII.

Vienna, /aK 19, 1815.
Sire,

I have received the letter your Majesty has deigned to
honour me with, and found fresh motives for devotion and courage
in the evidences of goodwill therein contained.

I have the honour of writing to your Majesty to-day, only
that there may not be too long an interval between my letters,
for I have no news whatever to communicate.

Matters progress but slowly ; nevertheless we are not idle.
Bavaria has joined the triple alliance. Hanover and Holland
will follow later. The Grand Duke of Darmstadt has joined
Bavaria with the same object, and promises 6,000 men.

The Commissioners are at work on the affairs of Italy,
Switzerland and general statistics. My letter to the British
cabinet, which will be submitted to your Majesty, will show you
how matters stand in this respect, the obstacles that arise, and how
it is that everything cannot be arranged as might be desired.
Austria, England, Bavaria, Holland, Hanover, and nearly the
whole of Germany are in accord with us, as to keeping the king
and a kingdom of Saxony. A Saxon kingdom will therefore
be preserved, although the Prince de Hardenberg, in 3 scheme

THE CONGRESS OF VIENNA. 15

he recently submitted for the reconstruction of Prussia, dared to
ask for the whole of Saxony. M. de Metternich has to reply
to this scheme, and I have been waiting for his answer ere de-
spatching my courier ; but it is not yet finished. I have only
seen the outlines which are all thoroughly satisfactory. More-
over a single glance at the Prussian scheme shows that what she
had in 1805 would be restored to her, which is all that she has a
right to expect, and that five hundred thousand subjects would be
preserved to Saxony. But Prussia pretends that she ought to have
six hundred thousand more than she had in 1805, under the
pretext of the additions obtained by Russia and Austria. Lord
Castlereagh, M. de Metternich and myself, being fully agreed
upon the principle of right, it now remains for us to understand
each other respecting the balance of power in order to make a
unanimous proposition.

This therefore occupies us daily, and to-day again I had a
conference with them on this subject. M. de Metternich, at first,
seemed quite inclined to make endless concessions. I had to
restrain him by making him face the consequences which such
acquiescence (by placing his kingdom in danger) would bring
on himself. He now hotly defends what before he would have ^
abandoned. I have advised him to bring some of the ablest
Austrian officers to our conferences, to give their opinions and
the reasons for those opinions ; and in order to oblige him to
follow this advice, I told him that if he did not bring them, I
would say that I had told him to do so. He has decided to adopt
my suggestion. The Prince de Schwartzenberg will have a talk
with Lord Stewart, and will come with some of his officers to a
conference we shall hold the day after to-morrow. Unfortun-
ately, Lord Castlereagh, even should he in spite of his old leaning
towards Prussia, and the fear he has of compromising what he
calls his ckaracter,he. willing (after having in his note of the nth
October, given up the whole of Saxony) now to allow only a very
small share to Prussia, has on all questions of military topography,
and even on the simplest matters of continental geography, such
imperfect notions, I may say, such utter ignorance, that while it
is necessary to prove the smallest details to him, it is extremely
difficult to convince him of them. It is said that an Englishman
who was here in Prince Kaunitz's time, retailed a number of
absurdities respecting the German states, and that Prince Kaunitz,
instead of amusing himself by refuting them,^ exclaimed in a
tone of the greatest surprise, " It is really marvellous how ignor-

^ Text; "ce qu'il aurait" = as translated. Var. : "ce qu'il avait" = "that
which he had."

" Suppressed in the text of the archives.

l6 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLE YRAND.

ant the English are ! " How often have I had occasion to
mentally make the same observation during my conferences with
Lord Castlereagh !

In the arrangement that is being carried out in Italian affairs,
we have reason to hope that the Archduchess Marie Louise will
be put down for a considerable pension. I must tell your
Majesty that in this matter I am greatly interested, for as a
result, the name of Bonaparte,^ will certainly, for the present and
also the future, be struck off the roll of sovereigns ; the island of
Elba being only life-hold, and the son of the archduchess being
debarred from the possession of an independent state.

The preparations for the ceremonial of the 2 1st are nearly
completed. The desire to be present is so great that it will be
difficult for us to accede to all the requests. The church of St.
Stephen, the largest in Vienna, would not hold all who wish to
come.

The sovereigns have all had notice of the ceremony, and all,
except the Emperor and Empress of Russia who have not yet
replied, have intimated their intention of being present.

The Empress of Austria, whose health does not admit of her
attendance, begs to be excused by your Majesty ; these are the
words she herself used. But her mother, the Archduchess
Beatrice, will be present.

The ladies will all be veiled, this being the mark of the
deepest mourning.

General Pozzo is still awaiting his instructions. He is told
to hold himself in readiness, and this he has done for more than
a week, but his orders have not yet arrived.

General Andreossy^ passed through here on his return to
Constantinople. His language is fair. He gave me all the
assurances of good faith I could desire. He is a man of intelli-
gence who has filled responsible positions, and much appreciates
being employed.

I have the honour to be. . . ,

^ Var. : " Bttonaparte."

^ Antoine-Frangois, Comte Andreossy, bom 1 76 1. Was Lieutenant of Artillery
in 1789, became General of Brigade in 1797. He accompanied Buonaparte to Egypt
and returned with him in 1799, aided him on the iSthBrumaire, and became shortly
afterwards an Inspector of Artillery. He was Ambassador to London in 1802, and
subsequently at Vienna and Constantinople in 1809. He was recalled in 1814. In
1815, Andreossy was one of the Commissioners with the foreign armies. He retired
from public life after the second restoration, and died in 1828.

THE CONGRESS OF VIENNA. vj

No. 232. — The Prince de Talleyrand to King
Louis XVIII.

Vienna, Jan. 21, 1815.
Sire,

I have the honour to-day to send to your Majesty a
report of the ceremony that took place here this morning.

I have had a short but circumstantial account drawn up for
insertion in the Moniteur if your Majesty approves 1 of it. I
thought it would be only necessary to relate the facts and
abstain from offering any opinions or remarks which the readers
will naturally make for themselves and probably be more
impressed thereby.

This account includes the address delivered by the cure of
St. Anne, a Frenchman by birth. It is not a funeral oration or
a sermon but an address. There were only a few days in which
to compose it, to make it harmonize with the object of the
ceremony as well as with present circumstances; and the position
of the principal people who would assist thereat ; and it was
therefore less important that it should be eloquent than that it
should be guarded, and those who heard it thought that in this
respect it left nothing to be desired.

Nothing was wanting to the ceremonial ; neither the pomp
due to the object, the choice of the spectators, nor the grief that
the event it recalled must ever excite. It ought, as the
memorial of a great misfortune, to offer a solemn lesson. It had
both a moral and a political aim ; and the heads of the great
embassies and people of the highest rank who dined with me
to-day,^ led me to believe that this end has been attained.

I cannot speak too strongly in praise of the kindness and
attention shown by the Emperor of Austria in permitting and
ordering such arrangements as would add either to the proper
conduct or the grandeur of the ceremonial. He alone, among
all the sovereigns, appeared in black ; the others wore uniform.

I have received the greatest assistance on all sides, especially
from M. le Comte Alexis de Noailles.

M. Moreau, the architect charged with all the preparations,
displayed both zeal and intelligence. The music was pro-
nounced very fine. It was by M. Neukomm,^ who conducted the

' See the Moniteur of January 30th. - Suppressed in the text of the archives.

^ Sigismond Neukomm, a German composer, born at Salzburg in 1778. A
pupil of Haydn's. In 1804 he went to St. Petersburg, where he was appointed
musical director of the Imperial Theatre. He went aftewards to Vienna, and sub-
sequently in 1809 to Paris, where he was presented to M. de Talleyrand who intro-
duced him into society. He lived with the Prince till 1814, and accompanied him to
Vienna, where a requiem, composed by him for the occasion, was sung on the 21st

VOL. III. ' C

l8 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

performance jointly with M. Salieri.^ I entreat your Majesty to
have the kindness to bestow on these three artists, as well as on
M. Isabey ^ who has been of the greatest use, a proof of your
satisfaction by sending me, for them, the decoration of the
Legion of Honour.

I also entreat your Majesty to accord me the same honour
to MM. Rouen,^ Formont,* Damour, Saint-Mars ^ et Sers, attaches
to your Majesty's embassy, with whose conduct I have reason to
be extremely satisfied, and who alone, amongst the attaclies of
the various embassies at the Congress, have no decoration.

On Wednesday I will despatch a courier, by whom I shall
have the honour to write to your Majesty on the subject of the
marriage, of the great importance of which I am fully av/are,
and have never lost sight.®

I have tlie honour to be.

No. 26. — The Ambassadors of thk King at the Congress
TO THE Minister of Foreign Affairs at Paris.

VlENN.\,/ffi«. 24, 1815.

Monsieur le Comte,

We have the honour to submit herewith the protocol of
the conference of the eight powers, held Jan. i6th. The

of January in the church of St. Etienne uf that city by 300 choristers. In jSi6 he
accompanied the Due de Luxemburg to Rio de Janeiro, to which tlie latter had been
accredited. Returning to Paris, he resumed his residence with the Prince de Talley-
rand and followed him to London in 1S30. He died in 1S57.

^ Antonio Salieri, a celebrated Italian composer, v/as born in 1750. He came to
Vienna in 1766, with Grosman, director of the Imperial Chapel, to whose office he
succeeded in 1775- Salieri went to Paris several limes and there brought out some
operas which had a brilliant success ( The Danaidcs^ which he composed, but which
Cluck wrote, Tarare it Pastor fido). He returned to Vienna in 17S9 and devoted
himself entirely to church music. He died in 1825.

' Jean-Baptiste Isabey, born at Nancy in 1767, early made a name for himself as
a painter. He studied under David, was presented at Court, and painted portraits of
the Due d'Angouleme and Due de Berry. Fie lived in Paris during the whole of the
Reign of Terror. Later on he joined Buonaparte, whom he painted standing, and
who appointed him to superintend the decoration and even the ceremonial of court
solemnities at the Tuileries.

Fie went to Vienna in 1847 and there painted a celebrated picture representing
the meeting after a conference of all the personages who took part in the Congress.
He lived until 1S55.

^ M.Rouen, a French diplomat, commenced his career in 1813, at Weimar, as
attache to the legation. Followed M. de Talleyrand to Vienna, was secretary at
Turin in 1S16. Subsecjuently Consul-General in Greece (1828), and Minister at Rio
de Janeiro in 1836.

■* M. de Formont was employed at the F'oreign Office in 1814. He was attached
to the French Embassy at Vienna. Afterwards he became Consul-General at
Livorno.

^ M. de Saint-Mars was the translator at the Foreign Office, and was attached as
such to the French Embassy. He remained on at Vienna as chief secretary,

' Var. : " P. S. — The departure of General Pozzo appears to be fixed for Tuesday,
24th. "

THE CONGRESS OF VIENNA. 19

question of the slave-trade has been since modified by the effect
of a convention, entered into between Lord Castlereagh and
the Portuguese ambassador. The latter, in the name of his
government, has agreed that Portugal shall give up the slave-
trade north of the equator from this time forward. England in
return paying an indemnity of ;£^300,ooo sterling for the damage
done by English cruisers ; ;£'50o,ooo sterling towards a loan
which Portugal has to repay, and annulling the last treaty of
commerce signed in 1810.^ Portugal likewise covenants that at
the end of eight years, the slave-trade shall no longer be carried
on in any of her possessions. Spain has insisted that the date,
already stipulated for in her treaties, should remain fixed
definitely.

France retains the position she occupied after the treaty of
Paris, ever ready to discourage the slave-trade, and fixing five
years as the term for its abolition.

You will see, M. le Comte, that the great advantages oifered
by England to Portugal will dispose her the more readily to
enter into arrangements for the immediate abolition of the
slave-trade.

It will be for you to consult with the Minister of Marine on
this matter ; if, as it is said, our traders do not carry arms in
quest of slaves, some arrangement might perhaps be possible
without any loss to France. This idea, however, can only be
touched upon with great caution.

The negotiations as to the limits of Poland and Saxony are
being carried on. In two days the Vienna cabinet is to submit
a counter-project.

The Prussians seem disposed to answer this by an ultimatum,
and the Emperor of Russia holds out some hopes of interposing
his good offices with the court of Berlin, to induce her to relin-
quish her claim to annex the kingdom of Saxony.

Lord Castlereagh always appears disinclined to discuss this
question thoroughly ; he often repeats that he will only insist on
the preservation of conservative principles, and that he neither
can nor will pledge the English nation to make sacrifices on a
simple question of greater or less population. Notwithstand-
ing this obstacle, we nevertheless hope that if Saxony agrees to
give up five or six hundred thousand souls, she will be allowed
to exist.

This we trust to announce definitely ere eight days have

' A friendly treaty of commerce and navigation, between England and Portugal,
signed at Rio de Janeiro, on the 19th of February, 1810. This treaty, imposed by
England, had stipulated for some very hard conditions, especially regarding the
commerce of the Brazils, which was then a Portuguese colony.

C 2

20 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

elapsed. Austria, who should receive back the district of
Tarnopol, lost in Poland in 1809, is willing to give it up on
condition that Russia cedes a larger territory to Prussia. All
this tends to the solution of this first and most important
question which has blocked the progress of the congress.

Italian affairs have not progressed ; they are at a standstill
in the office of M. de Metternich.

Those of Switzerland are about to be discussed in the
conference of the eight powers. According to the latest
accounts received from Berne, the deputy of that canton has
received authority to accept the bishopric of Bale as indemnity
for its losses, on the condition that it is to be given over to them
entirely, and that no privileges shall be claimed for its inhabit-
ants which would not accord with those formerly enjoyed by
the old canton of Berne. The Bernese have at the same time,
expressed their gratitude for the generous sacrifices which his
Majesty was prepared to make in order to procure the restora-
tion of their ancient territory. We believe that his Majesty
will find them most faithful and devoted allies.

We cannot conclude, M. le Comte, without informing you of
the effect produced here on every one by the ceremony of Jan.
2ist. We thought that one of the best and most efficacious
means of consecrating those principles which we are endeavour-
ing to establish, was to invite all the sovereigns and plenipoten-
tiaries to attend it.

It having been decided in the beginning of January to cele-
brate this anniversary, the ambassadors of the king hastened to
make their intention known to the Austrian court as well as to
the English, Spanish, and Portuguese legations, and sought to give
as much eclat as possible to the ceremony by their preparations.

Although it was in the interest of all the sovereigns to do
honour to the memories which this anniversary recalls, the
king's ambassadoi's are too fully cognisant of the terrible
impressions left by the Revolution, to expect that universal
homage would be accorded, unless great pains were taken in
the matter.

Even on the evening before the ceremony, the Emperor of
Russia declared that there was no object to be gained by it,
and his envoy at the Austrian court alleged various pretexts
for not being able to attend.

But you will see, M. le Comte, that we have succeeded in
triumphing over all these obstacles and that the sovereigns, the
envoys and the people of Vienna, all assisted at the ceremony
with feelings of the deepest respect.

The legation has been engaged in drawing up an address.

THE CONGRESS OF VIENNA. 21

which, if somewhat lacking in that degree of eloquence which
such grand memories should inspire, has nevertheless produced
the best possible effect, in showing the position of France, her
regrets and her love for her king, without accusing or assigning
guilt to any one.

The king's ambassadors were not satisiied, however, merely
to proclaim these views from the pulpit. The Prince de Talley-
rand, inspired M. de Gentz to write an article which, in drawing
the attention of Europe to this ceremonial, will prove to you
that the object we had in view has been attained. The article
is in the Observatoire of Vienna, January lycA?-

You will have been able to form an opinion, M. le Comte,
from our first report, already forwarded to the king, of the
general feeling inspired by the ceremony, the emotion that has
been manifested, and the reminiscences it will leave in this
country.

On the same day, all the most distinguished among the
visitors and inhabitants of Vienna hastened to express their
condolences to the Prince de Talleyrand.

The Emperor of Austria ordered a fete (which was to have
taken place on the 21st) to be put off till next day. Perhaps
you will deem it advisable that in all the principal papers, the
account of 'Cns.fete of the 22nd, should be preceded by these
words : — " The entertainments, interrupted by order of the
Emperor on account of the 21st January, have recommenced."^

The catafalque has remained on view in the cathedral since
the day of the ceremony. Numbers of people still go there to
testify their profound respect.

Be pleased to accept. . . .

No. 242. — The Prince de Talleyrand to King Louis

XVIII.

Vl'Eii'SA., January 2 i, 1815.

Sire,

I was present at a conference yesterday with Prince
de Metternich and Prince Schwarzenberg, the object of which
was to decide what portion of Saxony, in the opinion of the
Austrian officers, could or could not be given up to Prussia, with-
out compromising the safety of Austria.

The Emperor of Austria wished this conference to take
place and also desired that I should be present.

Two plans were submitted. The one preserved Torgau to

1 See the Moniieur of Febraary 2nd. "- See the Moniieur of February 2nd.

22 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

Saxony, provided the fortifications of Dresden were rased. The
other gave Torgau to Prussia, but unfortified ; Dresden being
likewise dismantled.

In both schemes, Prussia would keep Erfurth.

It was decided to submit both plans to the Emperor of
Austria, and that whichever he adopted should then form the
subject ■'of a memorandum, which he would himself give to Lord
Castlereagh : for it is Castlereagh who must be satisfied.

Russia has offered to give back to Austria, the district of
Tarnopol, which contains four hundred thousand inhabitants.
Austria will renounce this, on condition that an equal population
is given to Prussia, of that part of Poland which adjoins her, in
order to diminish, as much as possible, the sacrifices Saxony has
to make. This will be fully explained in the memorandum.

I am unaware which of these two plans has been adopted,
but I know that Lord Castlereagh was sent for by the Emperor
of Austria this evening. I will inform your Majesty by the next ^
courier, what passed at this audience.

Your Majesty will judge of the confidence placed by the
Emperor of Austria in his minister, when you hear that this
morning he sent tlie Comte de Sickingen to me, to ask v>rhether
what had been reported to him by M. de Metternich, respecting
yesterday's conference, was true.

The Emperor Alexander, with his liberal ideas, has found so
little favour here, that they have been obliged to triple the details
of t'le police in order to protect him from being insulted by the
people, during his daily walks.

I have the honour to forv/ard to )-our Majesty an article from
the Beobncliter, which I got M. de Gentz to draw up. I
attach tiie translation which he did himself and which is very
good. I thought the article might be inserted in the Moniteur
under the head of "Vienna." It is of such a nature, that the
other papers will be able to insert it as well.
I have the honour to btj

The Prince de Talleyrand to King Louis XVIII.

(Priva/e.)

YlEna A, January 25, 1815.

Sire,

It appears that General Pozzo is to leave this week and
to return to Paris, He has probably received instructions from
the Emperor Alexander relative to the marriage. I tlu'nk I

^ Text : " le sujet " = as translated. Var. ; ^'' U projei,^^ "draft."
Text: *' le prochain " = as translated. Var. : ^^\t premier,^^ "the first."

THE CONGRESS OF VIENNA. 23

ought to-day to submit to your Majesty some views on a subject
so delicate and so important "• in its various aspects.

Your Majesty desires, and has every reason to desire, that the
princess, whoever she may be, whom the Due de Berry is to
espouse, should come into France as a Catholic princess. Your
Majesty makes this condition an absolute one, and cannot well
refrain from doing so. As the most Christian king and eldest
son of the Church, you could not on this point, carry condescen-
sion further than did Buonaparte,^ when he asked for the hand
of the Grand Duchess Anne. If this condition is accepted by
the Emperor Alexander, your Majesty, on the supposition that
you have given your promise, would certainly not feel at liberty
to retract it. But it appears that the emperor, without desiring
to oppose his sister's change of religion, does not wish it to be
supposed that he has had any hand in this change, as might with
reason be inferred if it had been made a stipulation. He would
prefer it looked upon as the result of the princess's own decision
when she becomes subject to other laws, and that the change
should take place after, instead of before, the marriage. He
therefore considers that his sister should enter France with her
private ecclesiastical establishment, though he is willing that the
pope ^ who accompanies her should wear a lay garment. The
reasons which make him adhere to this, are, his personal scruples,
being strongly attached to his own faith, and the fear of hurting
the feelings of his people on such a tender point.

By insisting on these provisos for himself,* he will release your
Majesty from all engagements to the contrary, and will himself
furnish the excuse for such release, by deferring his consent to
the conditions of the marriage.

Now I am fain to confess to your Majesty that everything
that can tend towards such release, seems to me to be most
desirable.

Eight months ago when, in the midst of joys excited by the
present, and bright hopes which it was pleasant to cherish for the
future, it was nevertheless impossible to look upon events with
that feeling of security which fears no alarm, and a family alliance
with Russia might then appear, and did seem to me, to offer
advantages, the importance of which ought to raise it above all
considerations and which in another aspect of affairs, I should
have placed in the first rank and looked upon as decisive.

But to-day, when Providence has seen fit to secure the throne

' Text: "si delicate et si grave" = as translated. Var. ; " aussi delicate et
uussi grave " = " equally delicate and equally important. "

' Var. : "Buonaparte." ' Priest of the Greek Church.

* Suppressed in the text of the archives.

24 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

she has so mh-aculously restored, when it is surrounded and
guarded by the loyalty and love of the nation, when the coali-
tion is dissolved and France has no longer any need to count on
the help of strangers, but that on the contrary, the other powers
look to her — your Majesty in coming to a decision will no longer
have to make a sacrifice to the exigencies of combined strength,
but only consult the expediences which are unavoidable in such
alliances.

The Grand Duchess Anne, of all the five daughters of the
Emperor Paul, is said to be the one endowed by nature with the
greatest beauty, a gift most precious and most desirable in a
princess who, in the course of events, may be called upon some
day^ to sit on the throne of France, for the French, more than
any other nation, feel the need of being able to say of the princes
whose subjects they are :

•' Le monde en les voyant, reconnaitrait ccs maitres.'-

The Grand Duchess seems to have been brought up with the
greatest care, combining, from what one hears, inward goodness
with outward beauty. She is twenty-one years of age, so that we
need not fear those sad consequences, that so often follow a ver)'
early marriage. She was originally destined for the reigning
Duke of Saxe-Cobourg, before Buonaparte'' demanded her hand.
It only rested with him to urge his suit, for it is certain that if he
had been willing and able to wait, they would have asked nothing
better than to bestow her upon him. I do not know whether
these two circumstances might be considered as disadvantageous
to the union of this princess with the Due de Berry ; candidly, I
should have preferred that they had not occurred, if the marriage
is to take place.

Again., looking at the condition of the mental faculties of the
Grand Duchess's grandfather, Peter III., and Jier father Paul I.,
in conjunction with those of the late King of Denmark, the reigning
Duke of Oldenburg, and the unfortunate Gustavus IV., and the
fact that their deplorable infirmity may be regarded as the fatal
lot of tlie House of Holstein^ T cannot help dreading, lest through

^ Suppressed in the text of the archives.

- "The world on seeing them, would recognize its masters.''

* Var. : ^^Buonaparte.^^

* Holstein belonged formerly to the House of .Schauenburg. This line becoming
extinct in 1459, the states elected as chief Count Christian of Oldenburg, nephew to
the last Count of Holstein Schauenburg, who had just died. Christian of Olden-
burg had been elected King of Denmark in 1448, as descended in the female line
from the ancient royal family of the Waldemars, which had also become extinct.
The grandsons of Christian I. divided Holstein (1544) and thus became the founders
of the two branches : the eldest or royal branch, which reigned in Denmark in a

THE CONGRESS OF VIENNA. 25

such a marriage , this taint may be conveyed to the royal family
of France, and perhaps to the heir to the throne?-

The necessity which obliges the Grand Duchess, not merely
to change her religion, but to change it in such a manner, that
it will be impossible to attribute it to any other but purely political
motives, would, it seems to me, furnish a sufficiently strong
objection.

For such an act would inevitably tend to foster among the
people those feelings of religious indifference which are the great
evil of the times in which we live.

Marriages unite not merely those who contract them, but
also their respective families. Cordial relations between them
are of the utmost importance, even among private individuals ;
how much more so, in the case of kings, or princes who may
one day become sovereigns 1 That the House of Bourbon should
ally itself with other Houses inferior to it, is a necessity, since
Europe cannot offer one that is its equal. I will therefore raise
no objection to the House of Holstein, which although occupying
the three Northern thrones, is comparatively young among
sovereigns.

But I should certainly say that when the House of Bourbon
deigns to honour another with her alliance, it would be better that
it should be one which would feel itself honoured, rather than
pretend to equality on the grounds, that nobility and ancient
lineage can be compensated for by extent of territory. Of the
Grand Duchess Anne's four sisters, one has married an arch-
duke, and the three others, small German princes.^ Shall Russia,

direct line till 1863, and the younger or ducal branch, which was again sub-divided
into two lines, that of Holstein-Gattorp, and that of Holstein-Gattorp-Eulin. The
first of these ascended to the throne of Russia in 1 762 as Peter III. , son of Charles
Frederic, Duke of Holstein-Gattorp, and Anne, daughter of Peter the Great. The
second line gave birth in 1710 to Adolphus Frederic, Duke of Holstein-Gattorp-
Eulin, who at the Peace of Abo in 1 743, was placed on the throne of Sweden by
Elizabeth, Empress of Russia, in place of the Prince Royal of Denmark. Thus the
reigning families of Denmark, Sweden, and Russia, were descended from the same
source. On the other hand the deplorably weak mind of the Czar Peter III. cannot
be ignored, nor how very precarious was the mental weakness of his son the Czar
Peter. As for the King of Denmark, Christian VII., he became insane in 1772. In
the same way the Duke of Holstein Oldenburg became incapable of reigning, and was
replaced by his cousin, the Prince of Lubeck. Nevertheless, despite what M. de
Talleyrand says, it does not appear that Gustavus IV., King of Sweden, had in-
herited this infirmity of the House of Holstein in the same degree.

1 The whole of this paragraph does not appear in the text of the archives.

2 It must be remembered that the Emperor Paul had five daughters, Alexandra,
bom in 1788, married to Joseph Antonio, Archduke of Austria, brother to the
Emperor Francis. Helena, bom in 1784, married to Frederic-Louis, hereditary
Prince of Mecklenburg-Schwerin. Marie, bom in 1786, married in 1804 to Charles
Frederic, hereditary Prince of Sax- Weimar. Catherine, born in 1788, married in 1809
to Paul Frederic Augustus, hereditary Prince of Holstein Oldenburg. Lastly, Anne,
bom in 179S, the one referred to.

26 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

who has not been able to place any of her princesses on a throne,
now see one of them called to that of France ?

Such a prospect would, I must confess, be too great a piece
of luck for her, and I should be sorry that the Due de Berry
should find himself in such very close and intimate relationship,
with a host of princes, all in the lowest ranks of sovereignty.

Russia, in marrying her princesses as she has done, aims,
above all things, at having a pretext for interfering with the
affairs of Europe, to which she has been almost a stranger for
the last century. The effects of her intervention, so far, have
sufficiently manifested the danger of her influence. How much
greater would not this influence become, if a Russian princess
was called to sit on the throne of France !

A family alliance, I know, is not a political one, neither does
the one necessarily lead to the other.

The projected marriage would certainly not incline France
to favour the ambitious views and revolutionary ideas possessed
by the Ernperor Alexander, and which he tries to veil under the
specious name of liberal opinions. But how to prevent other
powers from taking a different view, and conceiving such an
amount of distrust as would v/eaken the ties they had with us, or
deter them from entering into such alliances, or Russia from
taking advantage of this, to gain her own ends .■' These, sire,
seem to me the possible objections to the marriage of the Due
de Berry v.'ith the Grand Duchess Anne. I felt I ought to point
them out franl:!y to your Majest\', but I have certainly not
exaggerated them. Your Majesty will best be able to judge
whether they are as veigiity as they seem to me.

I would add, that it appears to me due to the greatness of the
House of Bourbon, especially at this time when all her branches,
blown down by the same tempest, have sprung up again simul-
taneously, only to consult your own heart as to the means for
perpetuating your lineage. I hear great praise of the young
Princess of Sicily, daughter of the Prince Royal. ^ Portugal,
Tuscany and Saxony offer many others, among whom your
Majesty might make a selection. 1 have the honour to send a
list of them herewith.

Should the impossibility (if coming to an understanding, on
account of religion, cause the negotiations respecting the marriage

' Marie-Caroline-Therese de Bourbon, born in 1798, daughter of Fran9ois, here-
ditary Prince of the two Sicilies, and of Marie Clementine, Archduchess of Austria
in 1816. She married the Due de Berry who died four years after. On September
29, 1820, she gave birth to the Due de Bordeaux. It will be remembered how she
tried to stir up revolts in 1832 in favour of her son. Arrested on November 7, 1832,
she was confined in the Chateau de Rlave and wa^ taken back to Sicily the following
year. She died in 1S70.

THE CONGRESS OF VIENNA. 27

with the Grand-Duchess to fall through, or if your Majesty-
should consider it advisable to give it up, I would entreat you
to arrange matters in such a way, that the affair shall not be
finally decided, until after those which occupy us here are com-
pleted. _ For if the Emperor Alexander has shown us so little
good-will notwithstanding the hopes of a brilliant settlement for
his sister and the advantage to him of such a prospect, what may
we not expect from him, when it is once lost ?
I have the honour to be

No. 2o3. — King Louis XVIII. to the Prince de
Talleyrand.

VaS-IS, January 28, 1815.

MoN Cousin,

1 have received your letter, No. 22. Long before this
reaches you, you will have seen the Duke of Wellington, whose
appointment in place of Lord Castlereagh, was very agreeable to
me.^ I saw him before he left, and was more than satisfied with
him, and I hope he has not departed dissatisfied with me. He
also has a " character " to keep up, that of King, not Maker, but
what is much better Restorer. He is besides not at all troubled
by what his predecessor has done, since if he wishes to walk in his
footsteps, he has as it were, merely to choose between the two
extremes. I do not exactly know the amount of the population ^
of Saxony. I believe the king will have to consent to a reduction
of fifteen hundred thousand inhabitants, but if more than this
number is required, remember what I wrote to you last time.

Count Jules de Polignac* arrived here on Sunday. His
reports, identical with those I have previously received from
various quarters, describe Italy as in the greatest state of ferment,
and the existence of Murat as most dangerous. I !have reason
to believe that England would enter into some agreement to
assure this man pecuniary aid if he would relinquish his usurped
throne. I would gladly assent to this arrangement provided

^ Wellington had just been appointed ambassador to the Congress (January 24).

' Var. : "total."

' Auguste-Jules, Count, afterwards Prince de Polignac, bom in 1 780, was at the
first restoration nominated Major-General, Commissioner Extraordinary at Toulouse,
and Minister to the Holy See. On April 17, 181 5, he was made a peer of France.
In 1820 Count Polignac received the title of Roman Prince from the Pope. Ambas-
sador at London in 1823, he became Minister of Foreign Affairs and President of the
Council in 1829. After the departure of Charles X., from whom he hadseparated,
Prince de Polignac was arrested at Granville on August 15, and taken to Vincennes.
The Chamber of Peers condemned him to perpetual imprisonment (dead in law).
He was pardoned in 1836 and withdrew to England, and returned to die in Paris in
1847.

28 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

that it is at the same time agreed, that if he is obstinate, force
should do what negotiations have failed in effecting.

The sad, yet consoling ceremony of Saturday passed off very
satisfactorily. I beg you w\\\ express my sentiments to the
sovereigns who assisted at that at St. Etienne, and particularly
to inform the Empress of Austria how greatly I was touched by
her wishes and the regrets she desired to show me on this
occasion.

Wherefore, my dear cousin, I pray God may have you in His
safe and holy keeping.

Louis.

P.S. General Ricard arrived here yesterday,' and 'will be in
Vienna soon after this letter.

No. 27. — The Ambassadors of the King at the Con-
gress TO THE Minister of Foreign Affairs at Paris.

Vienna, yrt««a?^i/ 31.^/, 1815.

Monsieur le Comte,

The counter-project announced in our last despatches
has been sent in by the Vienna cabinet. Seven hundred and
eighty-two thousand souls have been taken from Saxony. As
soon as it is officially communicated to the French embassy, we
shall have the honour to forward it to you.

The Prussians do not appear satisfied with it. Nevertheless,
the Emperor Alexander seems to approve and we hope he will
prevail upon his ally to accept it, and so put an end to a question
which for so long has divided the congress. It will be decided
in a few days.

Yesterday, Lord Castlereagh received his recall to England,
and the arrival of the Duke of Wellington is announced.

Lord Castlereagh leaves Vienna, preserving his favourable
views as regards Naples. He seems to lay great stress on
keeping on good terms with France.

Neither the affairs of Switzerland nor those of Italy have
occupied the conference. M. de Metternich has not considered
it expedient to bring them forward since the question arose as to
deciding their order of precedence.

Confidence in the king's judgment, and the consideration
shown to his ambassador at the congress increase in proportion
as every one is persuaded that justice and judgment prescribe
all the measures of the French cabinet. From day to day

^ Suppresscfl in the text of the nvchivr-.

THE CONGRESS OF VIENNA. 29

■we note marked indications that the coalition is dissolved,
and that the union of the Southern Powers against a system of
expediency, so strongly urged by the Northern Powers, will
consolidate peace, and act as a guarantee against any fresh
troubles that might arise.

Be pleased to accept. . . .

, No. 251— The Prince de Talleyrand to King
Louis XVIII.

Vienna, February i, 181 5.

Sire,

The audience given to Lord Castlereagh by the
Emperor of Austria, only resulted in the former's declaring that
the emperor appeared to him full of integrity and frankness.
Beyond this Lord Castlereagh was staunch in his opinion, that
Prussia ought to be great and powerful, and that she should
receive a large part of Saxony, and in particular Torgau. I
wished to save this place ; the Austrians wanted it at iirst, and
then, as is their custom, relinquished it. The consequence is that
neither one nor the other of the schemes I had the honour to
mention to your Majesty has been adopted. A third has now
been drawn up by which seven hundred and eighty-two thousand
Saxons are given up to Prussia, and this scheme of the Austrians,
in the shape of a rough draft, has been submitted to the
Prussians, who have accepted it ad referendum : their answer has
not yet been received.

We had announced from the first that we would consent to
Saxony being deprived of from four to five hundred thousand souls ;
Lord Castlereagh after having at first given it up, and because
he had done so, obstinately insisted that they should lose a
million. Though very badly supported by the Austrians, I
succeeded in getting it arranged, that the mean of these two
numbers should be adopted, and I am even now surprised at my
success. The Saxon minister, who is here, had drawn up a
plan of the different parts of the kingdom, which might be
considered as not absolutely necessary to its existence. The
population of these parts was about 750,000. In the scheme
only 32,000 more are ceded, and of these, some portion must
through exchanges, revert to the ducal houses of Saxony.

The Prussians they say are, or feign to be, but little disposed
to be content with what is offered them. It is not merely a
question of territory with them, but also one of self-esteem.

30 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

After having, and that only recently, demanded the whole of
Saxony, after having occupied it, after all the powers, except
France, had given it up to them, after having over and over
again declared they would never surrender it, it must be rather
painful for them now to have to renounce two-thirds of the
kingdom. But they will not fight ^'without the help of Russia,
and the Emperor Alexander, who has got what he wanted in
Poland and who only takes a selfish interest in Saxony,^ will,
according to all appearance, advise the Prussians to accept the
proposals made to them. 'V\'^e have reason to believe that with
some slight alteration, they will be accepted.

Nothing seemed more irrevocably settled than the fate of
Saxony when we arrived here. Prussia demanded the whole of
it for herself, and Russia backed her up. Lord Castlereagh had
completely abandoned her, and so had Austria, except as re-
gards some minor frontier arrangements. Your Majesty alone
took up the defence of Saxony ; you alone maintained the
principles of right. You had to overcome all kinds of influences ;
the spirit of coalition which was very strong, and what was
perhaps more difficult, the self-esteem of all the great powers,
who by their pretensions, declarations and concessions had so far
compromised themselves, as to make it almost impossible for
them to recede without shame ; but by noble opposition to an
injustice, all but accomplished, your Majesty has gained the
glory of overcoming all these obstacles, and not only have you
triumphed over them, but the coalition has been dissolved,
and your Majesty has come to an understanding with two of
the greatest powers, which may perhaps, later on, save Europe
from the dangers which menace it, through the ambition of
some of the states.

Saxony, which was a third-rate power, will continue to be
so. Her population, joined to that of the ducal possessions,
and those of the Houses of Reuss and Schwarzburg, which
are incorporated in the kingdom, will still present two million
inhabitants, to interpose between Prussia and Austria and
between Russia and Bavaria.

The affairs of Saxony once settled, I shall give myself up to
those of Naples, and for this purpose will put forth all the
energy and tact I possess.

England will not oppose, but will not assist us openly or in
any decided way, seeing that she has again compromised herself
in that affair, as your Majesty will perceive by the document
which I have the honour to send you herewith.

Lord Castlereagh had, on this point, received instructions

' Suppressed in the text of the archives.

THE CONGRESS OF VIENNA. 31

from his government, given after the letter which I wrote to
him, but which are in the sense I have indicated.

Lord Castlereagh will only remain here eight days with Lord
Wellington. I have reason to believe, from what he told me of
the despatches he had received from his government, that his
partiality for Prussia, and his obstinacy on the Saxon question,
must be imputed to Lord Liverpool ^ as much as to himself.
Lord Bathurst sends instructions that Prussia is to be treated
with great liberality, and that having gone so far as they had
done regarding Saxony, it was a point of honour with the
English government not to draw back.^

Nevertheless, the treaty he has just concluded is entirely
approved of, and he has been informed that the ratifications will
be sent to him by the next courier.

He dilated greatly on his wish to see the best possible feeling
established between England and France. He did not deceive him-
self into believing that the result of the arrangements made here
could be a peace of long duration. His desire is that war should
not break out again for two years. His prayer is that France,
England, and Austria should be friends,^ and as he deems it
necessary to be always prepared, and to arrange everything in
advance, he proposes to keep up a direct correspondence with
me. But he considers a change of the ministry would be desir-
able in Austria, as they are very weak, to say nothing more.

I was, on the whole, well satisfied with the views he expressed.

He proposes to ask for an audience of your Majesty on his
way through Paris.

I have the honour to be

' Robert Jenkinson, Earl of Liverpool, bom in 1770, entered the House of Com-
mons in 1790, and became Commissioner at the India Office, Master of the Mint,
and Member of the Privy Council. He joined Lord Addington's Cabinet as Secre-
tary of State for Foreign Affairs (l8oi), and was Home Secretary under Pitt in 1804.
Tliis he held till 1 808, when he was made War Minister, and finally became First Lord
of the Treasury in 1812. He remained at the head of aflfairs till 1827, and died the
following year.

2 Text: " retrograder " = as translated. Van: " Irop retrograder" = "draw
back too much."

* Text: "soient amies" = as translated. Var. : " soient awifj " = "be united.

32 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

No. 21^. — King Louis XVIII. to the Prince de
Talleyrand.

Paris, February 4, 1815.

MoN Cousin,

I have received your letters Nos. 23 and 24. I did not
answer the first at once, as it did not treat of business, though I
was not the less satisfied or touched by its contents. Neither St.
Denis, nor any of the other churches in Paris, except St. Thomas-
d'Aquin, where the preacher only read the last will of the Martyr
King, have re-echoed a discourse which could in any way
approach that pronounced at St. Etienne. I wish you to make
my opinion known to the author.^

I was also greatly pleased with M. de Gentz's article, which
I sent off" at once to the Moniteur. Further, I have given orders
to the Count de Jaucourt on the subject of the rewards you
desire of me for the artists who assisted at the ceremony of
the 2 1st.

The cession of Erfurth to Prussia does not trouble me much,
but I shall be sorry to see the fortifications of Dresden destroyed,
especially if the King of Prussia retains Torgau. I wish how-
ever that the Emperor Francis would at least give the first
scheme the preference, and make Lord Castlereagh adopt it, the
latter, however, is probabl)' no longer in Vienna. You are aware
how strongly the Duke of Wellington urged the abolition of the
slave-trade when here. You will shortly receive the report on
St. Domingo, made to me at the council last Monday, by M.
Beugnot. I confess that I am beginning to see the benefit
which may accrue from the almost immediate abandonment of a
traffic, which, it appears to me, would be very difficult to continue
beyond the time fixed by the treaty.

Marshal Soult is writing to j'ou about Bouillon.- The point
in question is one of protection, not of possession, and for that
reason it is important that this duchy should remain under the
Prince de Rohan, who, moreover, notwithstanding the protection

' Count Alexis de Noailles, one of the plenipotentiaries at the congress, wrote the
address read by the priest at the cerennony of Jan. 21, in the Church of St. Etienne.

- Charles- Alain-Gabriel, Prince de Rohan Guemene, Due de Montliijon
and de Bouillon, born in 1754 emigrated in 1791, entered the Austrian army
and rose to the rank of Field Marslial. In 1814, he was made a peer of France.
The Congress of Vienna recognized him as sovereign of the Duchy of Bouillon, but
this was contested by the English Admiral Phillip d'Auvergne. The matter being
referied by the Congress to supreme arbitrators, decided in favour of the Prince de
Rohan. These arbitrators acknowledged the right to an indemnity on the part of the
King of the Netherlands for the cession made to him of the Duchy. But the tribunal
of Liege upset this decision. The Prince de Rohan died in

THE CONGRESS OF VIENNA. 33

accorded by England to his antagonist has a hundred times as
much right to it.

Wherefore, my dear cousin, I pray God may have you in His
safe and holy keeping. LOUIS.

P.S. Your ideas with regard to the marriage, are absolutely
mine. I shall receive General Pozzo di Borgo, and not hasten
anything.

No. 28. — The Ambassadors of the King at the Con-
gress TO the Minister of Foreign Affairs at Paris.

Vienna, February 8, 1 81 5.
M. LE Comte,

The rough draft of the arrangements to be made
respecting the King of Saxony and his kingdom, proposed by
the Austrian cabinet, seems to have been accepted with a few
slight modifications. There is even a talk of the King of Saxony
leaving Berlin, and going to Prague, or even Vienna, if the
Austrian court wishes it.

If under these circumstances no more favourable results
have been secured for Saxony and Poland, it can only be
attributed to the prejudice of the English cabinet, and the weakness
of that of Vienna. The difficulties to be overcome were endless,
but the cause of royalty, legitimacy and right is saved, and that
portion of Saxony which has been preserved, joined to the
territories of the ducal houses, opposes a mass of two million
inhabitants between Austria and Prussia.

The details of the arrangement, as it is to be, will be delayed
here a few days, but will follow closely on this despatch, which
conveys the announcement that the principal difficulties to the
progress of affairs at the congress, have been overcome.

Lord Castlereagh leaves here on Monday next, and in order
to have the honour of seeing the king, will pass through Paris
and embark at Calais. We trust that his departure, and the
manner in which Lord Wellington has spoken in reference to
Neapolitan affairs, will not injure that cause to which we must
now devote all our energies and zeal.

The affairs of Switzerland will be gone into this week.
M. de Metternich promises an answer on those of Italy. The
conferences for the settlement of the rights of navigation on the
large rivers still continue, and those respecting the affairs of
Germany will be resumed.

We have, M. le Comte, again to draw your attention to the
French journals, and especially to what they say of the Prince

VOL. III. D

34 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLE YRAND.

Royal of Sweden. They mix him up with Murat, without any
regard to the difference in their positions and our engagements
with them. The present state of Europe, which has everything
to fear from the encroaching nature of the Russian government
and everything to hope from unanimous accord between the
older cabinets, compels us to be most careful in the handling of
Sweden, and seems to make it imperative on us to neglect
nothing, in order to preserve friendly relations with her.

We think we ought to report some observations, of an almost
official character, addressed to M. de Noailles by M. le Comte
de Lowenhjelm, Swedish plenipotentiary at the congress. We
send you his actual words : —

" The ex-King of Sweden proposes to go to France. I have
reason to believe that he wishes it ; the papers say so. We have
seen what he has done for the House of Bourbon ; we could not
suppose that the King of France, whose generosity is so well
known, would refuse him shelter. We only ask for some sort of
communication on this subject, and we shall be satisfied.

"The Prince Royal is quite settled in Sweden since the
union with Norway. He is very popular and much looked up
to. He wishes to be on good terms with Fi'ance. We do not
ask much from you. The Prince of Sweden has not forgotten
his origin ; he must always be somewhat anxious ; he needs
some token of friendship. He is, when all is said, a /rtrz'^/.'z/, and
he has all the susceptibilities of one which we cannot prevent.
But he will be very sensible to the least kindness. F'or instance,
one word, one sign of kindness from the king to the Princess
Royal, who is in Paris, will touch him deeply and have the best
possible effect.

" Your papers continually speak of the prince in an un-
pleasant way, inserting paragraphs which must do him harm by
their stinging observations. The Foreign Office in all countries
has some influence over the press. Put a stop to these invectives,
which do not proceed from your cabinet. I reiterate this
request — nay, I conjure you !"

Be pleased to accept. . . .

No. 26. — The Prince de Talleyrand to King
Louis XVIII.

Vienna, February 8, 181 5.

Sire,

The Duke of Wellington arrived on the evening of the
1st. The next day, the Emperor of Russia went to see him at

THE CONGRESS OF VIENNA. 35

ten in the morning, and began by saying, " Everything is going
wrong in France, is it not ? "

" By no means," replied the duke, " the king is greatly
beloved and respected, and behaves with exemplary prudence."

" You could tell me nothing that would give me so much
pleasure," replied the Emperor. " And how about the army ? "

" As far as offensive warfare goes, no matter against what
power," Lord Wellington answered, " the army is as good as it
ever was, but in questions of home policy, it is worth nothing."

These answers, according to what Prince Adam told me,
impressed the emperor more than he cared to show. They
certainly influenced the resolution he had been urged to come
to, respecting the affairs of Saxony, which when Lord Wellington
arrived, still presented a good many difficulties. These may now
be considered as removed.

It is not to the Emperor of Russia alone that the Duke of
Wellington eulogises your Majesty. Wherever he goes he sings
your praises, not limiting himself to general terms, but entering
into details, and citing facts, thus adding to the high esteem in
which your Majesty is held here. He spoke of the affair at
St. Roche ^ as a mere trifle ; the German papers had greatly
exaggerated it. He admitted that everything in France
was not yet quite as one could wish, but he added that all
would come right in time. According to him, what is most
wanted there, is a ministry. There are ministers, he says, but
no ministry.

The conclusions to be drawn from his utterances are, that as
in matters of interior policy, the army is not yet quite sound, it
will be necessary above all things to avoid raising questions in
which it may have to play a part ; and that as for the animosity,
which may still linger in men's minds, it should occasion neither
surprise nor uneasiness. A too sudden conversion is always
suspicious. This is the view I take, and the whole world has
recognized its justice.

Last Saturday I gave a state dinner in honour of Lord
Wellington, and asked all the members of the congress to meet
him. I was very pleased that it should be the French legation
which introduced him.

The Austrian scheme, respecting which I had the honour to
write to your Majesty in my last letter, did not satisfy the
Prussians. They wanted more — especially Leipzig. The King
of Prussia, in an audience he granted Lord Castlereagh, expressed
himself very strongly on this point, pretending that, after having

^ There had been some confusion and a species of riot at the church of St. Roche,
on the occasion of the burial of an actress — Mademoiselle Raucourt.

D 2

36 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

given him Saxony and allowing him to occupy it, it was making
him play a most humiliating part, now to assign him only a
small portion ; that he had conquered Leipzig, and that all the
allies, after the battle was won, considered the town belonged to
him, and had congratulated him thereon.

Lord Castlereagh, ever firmly impressed with the view that
Prussia ought to be powerful, and wishing above all to avoid
war (Lord Wellington is himself of opinion that England is
not in a position to take the field, and that France is the only
power that could do so), maintained that in order to pacify the
Prussians, it was necessary to give them something more.

With a view therefore to enlarge their portion, Holland has
been diminished by one hundred thousand souls and Hanover
by fifty thousand ; Fulda has also been given to them. The
Emperor of Russia who, to do him justice, desired to contribute
to this arrangement, gave them back the town of Thorn ; so that
the matter ma)^ now be considered arranged, but not definitely so.

Saxony will be reduced to less than fifteen hundred thousand
inhabitants, but to this number must be added the population of
the Duchies of Saxony and the States of Schwarzburg and
Reuss, incorporated in the kingdom, and which if the latter
had belonged to Prussia would also necessarily have belonged to
her. Non-consent to the reduction of Saxony to less than fifteen
hundred thousand souls, would have necessitated a protest, and
such a protest would have compromised the principles of legiti-
macy, which it is so important to preserve and which we have
preserved as it were by a miracle.

Prussia would, as a matter of fact, have obtained two millions
of subjects, which she could not acquire without danger to
Bohemia and Bavaria ; and the imprisonment of the king, who
will now be free, would probably have been prolonged inde-
finitely. (I have asked Prince Hardenburg to allow the king to
go to Prague and that orders to that effect might be given at
once ; to this he consented and gave me his promise ; to-morrow
the order will be sent to Berlin and the king will be allowed to
depart.)

Saxony, though we have been unable to obtain all we desired,
remains a third-rate power. If it is a misfortune that she has not
a few hundred thousand inhabitants more, this misfortune is com-
paratively slight, and perhaps not without a remed}' ; whereas if
Saxony had been sacrificed in the face of Europe, which either
would not or could not, save her, such a misfortune would have
been very great and fraught with the most dangerous conse-
quences. It was therefore necessary, above all things, to save
iTcr, and your Majesty has the sole glory of having done so

THE CONGRESS OF VIENNA. 37

There is not a single person who does not feel and admit this,
and yet it has all been accomplished without becoming at variance
with any one, while at the same time, acquiring fresh support in
Neapolitan affairs.

Lord Castlereagh, whom I informed, in order to flatter him,
that your Majesty has done me the honour to say that you wish
to see him on his way through Paris, has decided on returning
by that route ; he had originally intended going via Holland. Lady
Castlereagh has asked permission to visit the Duchess of Angou-
leme. They will only be in Paris for twenty-four hours. They
intend leaving here on Monday the 1 3th, but not without Lord
Castlereagh's having taken some steps relative to the Neapolitan
question which I thought it advisable he should do. The Duke
of Wellington is all right in this respect. I hope Russia and
Prussia will also be with us. Nevertheless, I foresee more than
one difficulty, but I will do my best to overcome them. '

It would both complicate and damage this affair, to allow
Bernadotte's matter, which is of quite a different nature, to be
mixed up with it.

Bernadotte did not obtain Sweden by conquest but by
adoption of the reigning king, and the consent of the nation. He
is not king, but only heir presumptive. One cannot attack him
without attacking the king who adopted him, a king, whose
legitimacy the very man who is to succeed him acknowledges,
whom all Europe recognizes, and whom your Majesty also
acknowledges, having made peace with him direct. As long as
the king lives Bernadotte has only contingent rights, which as
regards Europe, are almost non-existent; consequently the
litigation of which they would form the subject, is neither within
the cognisance of Europe nor the congress.

It is no doubt a misfortune, and a great misfortune, that this
man should have been called to the Swedish throne. But it is
an evil for which if there is no remedy, we can only leave to
time and the course of events to ameliorate.

War, which no one has any wish to bring about, and which
almost every one is unable to undertake, will, in all probability
not occur. There will therefore be no occasion to propose an
alliance with Sweden, or for Sweden to demand a guarantee,
which your Majesty might fear to give.

General Ricard has arrived ; but I hope that under present
circumstances his journey will have been unnecessary.

General Pozzo has not yet left, I have even persuaded him
not to take any steps to hasten his departure. I find him very
useful, in matters I wish brought to the Emperor of Russia's
notice.

38 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

I understand that the King of Saxony is to go to Presburg
till affairs are concluded.

In a conference, held to-day the negro-question was settled.
Spain and Portugal will definitely cease the slave-trade in eight
years. Eight years for those two countries are much less than
five years were for us, taking into account the immense differ-
ence of the respective possessions and above all their enlighten-
ment.

We have ceded nothing, nevertheless the English are quite
satisfied with us. Lord Castlereagh thanked me in open con-
gress, for the great assistance I had given him.

Another conference took place this evening, to receive the
Prussian reply to the propositions made them. The gist of their
answer is an acceptance. They will get neither Luxemburg nor
Mayence. Your Majesty's instructions proscribed their obtaining
the latter place ; they will not get the former either.

The next few days will be occupied in drawing up and signing
the articles for insertion in the protocol, of the arrangements
agreed on for Poland, Prussia and Saxony.

I have the honour to be

No. 22. — King Louis XVIIL to the Prince de
Talleyrand.

Paris, February ii, 1815.

MoN Cousin,

I am in receipt of your letter No. 25. The praise bestowed
by Lord Castlereagh on the Emperor of Austria would have been
very ilattering to a private individual ; but when bestowed on a
sovereign v/ho had just displayed great weakness, it almost
sounded like irony. As for me, I ought certainly to be satisfied,
seeing how matters have stood for the last three ^ months, respect-
ing the fate of the King of Saxony ; but I had hoped for better
things from the Emperor Francis, and I shall not be ea.sy until I
see at least his last plan adopted.

The document added to your despatch is anything but
reassuring to the King of Naples, in whom I take a very different
interest to what I do in the King of Saxony ; but although it
unveils the most repulsive secret in diplomacy ever heard of it
does not discourage me, and I feel assured that by maintaining
a resolute front, from which I will never depart, we shall end by
removing the danger and scandal of Murat.

I am surprised that the Duke of Wellington did not reach

' Text : as translated. Var : " qnatrc" = "four.''

THE CONGRESS OF VIENNA.

Vienna on the first of the month, but I do not fancy he has made
any needless delay. I suppose, therefore, that Lord Castlereagh
will be here towards the end of next week. To say truth, I have
not been very much impressed by his conduct at the congress ; but
I am, and with reason, too much wedded to the alliance I have
just formed, not to take care that he shall go home thoroughly
satisfied with me. Wherefore I pray, my dear cousin, that God
may have you in His safe and holy keeping.

Louis.

No. 29. — The Ambassadors of the King at the Congress
TO THE Minister of Foreign Affairs in Paris.

Vienna, February 12, 1815.

M. le Comte,

We have the honour to transmit herewith the protocol of
the conference of the eight powers, on the question of rank and
precedence. At a second conference held since, this subject was
submitted for fresh consideration, and returned for examina-
tion to the commission specially charged with it. Lord
Castlereagh, who left for London this morning, announced that
his government had sent instructions respecting salutes at sea,
and named which of the English plenipotentiaries were prepared
to discuss it. We shall therefore be able to judge as to the
degree of moderation in their views on this subject.

The affairs of Saxony are definitely arranged. The different
articles determining the divisions have been settled, as well as
the arrangements in the North of Germany resulting from the
reconstruction of Prussia.

The King of Saxony has been informed of the results
obtained, and has been invited to come near Vienna. We
believe that, as far as the political existence of Saxony and her
sovereign are concerned, everything has been obtained that
ordinary negotiations could secure.

The claim of Prussia to keep Leipsic has been energetically
combated ; they at last abandoned it in exchange for Thorn, an
important military post, which the Emperor of Russia consented
to give back to them. We may here mention a rather remark-
able fact, as showing the revolutionary and bragging spirit of a
nation which has troubled the peace of Europe for the last sixty
years, and whose government, more than any other, furthered
the progress of the revolution for its own ends.

One of their principal officers. General Grollmann.i known as

' Charles-Guillaume de Grollmann, born in Berlin in 1777, enlisted in 1795, and
served in the lower grades all through the campaigns of 1806 and 1807. In 1809

THE CONGRESS OF VIENNA. 41

sirable. It could be sent to the various legations in Paris and
through those of France in other countries.

We also think it would make a good impression to continue
payment to those foreign officers, who have received a brevet
of pension, with the decoration.

From time immemorial, England has always had a vast
number of foreign military pensioners. She has thus made
many friends. If France continues these pensions, however
reduced, to the Poles, the Germans, and the Italians, she will
attach valuable men to herself and thereby gain partisans, of
whom, by the course of events, she has been deprived.

Such an example of fairness and generosity will greatly
influence the success of the demands which many French military
men have still to make from abroad.

We entreat you, M. le Comte, to take the king's commands
on this matter, and to make them known to us, so that we may
be in a position to answer the questions addressed to us.

Be pleased to accept. . . .

No. 27. — The Prince de Talleyrand to King
Louis XVIII.

Vienna, Feb. 15, 1815.

Sire,

Lord Castlereagh leaves to-day, the 15 th, and although
he will rest every night, he expects to arrive in Paris the eighth
day after his departure. He will remain there the following day,
so as to reach London on the ist or 2nd of March.

The fate of the Duchy of Warsaw, that of Saxony, that
which is here known as the reconstruction of the Prussian
monarchy, the additions given to Hanover, the circumscription
of the United Provinces, which will now bear the title of the
Netherlands, are all matters completely settled. These were the
most difficult points, and the only ones likely to bring about
war. Lord Castlereagh therefore bears to England the news,
that peace will be preserved. Saxony will retain about
1,300,000 souls. The king, to whom a courier has been de-
spatched, will be after the end of this month, not at Presburg
(I represented that the choice of that place was rather like
banishment) but at Briinn, on the road to Vienna, to which place
nothing will prevent his going, as soon as he has consented to
the cession agreed upon by the powers.

The Duchy of Luxembourg, together with Limburg, and
some adjoining territories have been given to the Prince of

42 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

Orange, as an indemnity for his ancient hereditary lands, which
he has ceded to Prussia, and the latter does not approach our
frontier anywhere, which I think your Majesty considers very
important.!

The Duchy of Luxembourg in other respects remains German,
and the fortress of Luxembourg will be a federal one.

The retrocessions demanded by Austria from Bavaria,
and the equivalents to be given back to the latter, are
the most important, and indeed the only important, matters
as regards territorial arrangements still to be settled in
Germany. The two courts each claim our support ; the
one wants to concede nothing for which she does not get an
equivalent, and will not give up those things which the other
specially desires. We, from different motives, have an almost
equal interest in treating both with consideration, which makes
arbitration a very delicate matter. Nevertheless I trust, that
whatever may be the difficulties that arise, they will not be
beyond our powers. As to the territorial arrangements in Italy,
the commission charged with the preparation of a scheme for
them, has proposed to give back to the Queen of Etruria, Parma,
Placentia, and Guastalla, with legations at the Papal court, and
to give Lucca, the Precidios,'' the sovereignty of Piombino, and
the reversion of the island of Elba to the Grand Duke of
Tuscany.^ The Archduchess Marie Louise would only receive
a pension from Tuscany, and some fiefs formerly held by the
German Empire, and now belonging to the Grand Duke of
Tuscany, to whom they were given by the Imperial Diet as
part of an indemnity. These fiefs, situated in Bohemia, bring in
a revenue of 400,000 florins.

This scheme was brought forward through our influence,
and met with approval for two reasons ; the first, because it
diminished the number of small sovereigns in Italy ; the second
and most important, because it removed the son of the arch-
duchess and took all prospect of a sovereignty from him.

Austria has been more than a month without coming to a
decision. The emperor has at last resolved to restore the two

1 .See the treaty of May 31, 1815, concluded between the Netherlands on one
part and Great Britain, Austria, Prussia, and Russia on the other, which definitely
constituted the new kingdom according to the decision arrived at by the Compress.

^ Under this name was designated that part of the Tuscan littoral which Philip II. ,
King of Spain, had reserved for himself when he abandoned Sienna and its territory
to the Florentines. This coast-line extended from the mouth of the Ombrone to the
Roman frontier. In iSoi it was ceded to France, which gave it to the King of
Etruria. In 1814 it remained with Tuscany.

' Ferdinand, Archduke of Austria ([769-1824) son of the Emperor Leopold,
created Grand Duke of Tuscany in 1 79 1, deposed in 1799, Elector of Salzburg in 1803.
Gr nd Duke of Wurzburg in 1805, reinstated in his Tuscan states in 1844.

THE CONGRESS OF VIENNA. 43

duchies to the Queen of Etruria ; he could not in fairness, he
said, retain for himself and his heirs, one of the states belonging
to the House of Bourbon, with whom it was both his wish and
his interest to remain on good terms. But knowing that his
daughter made a point of having an independent establishment,
he thought of Lucca, and has charged his minister to negotiate
this affair with the archduchess, giving him instructions which
contained the arguments he was to use for this purpose.

M. de Metternich has therefore made a counter-project,
according to the wishes of the emperor, which he has transmitted
to us ; and which is almost completely acceptable to us ; as the
son of the archduchess is not named therein, and the reversion
of Lucca falls to Austria or Tuscany. Although we may yet
have several objections to raise, I believe, from my conversation
with M. de Metternich on the subject, that he will give in to
them.

This counter project declares :

That the duchies shall be restored to the Queen of Etruria,
with the exception of Placentia and a district round the
town, containing a population of 30,000 souls.
That Lucca shall be given to the archduchess for her life
only, with two pensions, one from Austria, the other
from France ;
That Austria shall receive absolutely :

1. Placentia and the surrounding district above-named.

2. That part of Mantua which lies on the bank of the

Po.

3. The ValtelHne.

4. Lucca, after the archduchess.

5. Lastly, the Imperial fiefs ; as much to compensate to

the State of Parma for the town and country
round Placentia, as by way of exchange.

The propositions to levy a pension on France as a compensa-
tion for matters by which she will gain nothing ; to make Lucca
revertible to the Austrian monarchy ; and to place at the dis-
position of Austria the Imperial fiefs (even those which are
inclosed in the neighbouring states) were almost equally in-
admissible, and this M. de Metternich was all but prepared to
admit.

There would have been less objection to surrendering to
Austria that part of Mantua which is on the right bank of the
Po, or even to abandoning Placentia, which, according to what
General Ricard told us, is, from its actual situation and the
present position of Italy, of very little real importance.

44 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

The Valtelline is no longer as it was formerly, indispensable
to Austria's communication with Lombardy, and therefore, un-
important to take away from her. Switzerland, to whom it
formerly belonged, has reclaimed it, it has been promised to her,
and the Emperor of Russia, as I shall have occasion later to tell
your Majesty, seems to make it a point that it should be given
up to her.

It was before he had been to see the archduchess, that M.
de Metternich presented his counter-project, and discussed it
with me. His great conceit and excessive levity prevented his
foreseeing that it could not be a complete success. But at the
very first word the Archduchess Marie Louise did not seem
satisfied about Lucca, nor even to care about this principality,
where, she said, she would not care to live as long as Napoleon
was in the island of Elba. She wants, or rather her councillors
want, rights equal with those accorded her by the treaty of
April II. She does not ask to keep Parma but she wishes
for an equivalent, or something approaching to it. There would
be no other way of satisfying her but to give her the legations,
at the same time assuring the reversion to the Holy See. But
the court of Rome, which cannot even reconcile herself to the
idea that she has lost Avignon, would exclaim at this, and might
even go so far as to have recourse to arms, which would com-
promise her greatly. M. de Metternich has asked for three days
to make up his mind as to taking either one ^ side or the other,
after which he will give me an answer.

These difficulties once removed, there will be nothing more
of importance except the report on the Italian question, to which
I shall come presently.

The arrangements respecting the free navigation of rivers are
as yet, only in embryo, but the basis has been agreed upon, and
this will assure all the advantages to commerce that European
industry could demand, and to France especially those which the
possession of Belgium would secure to her, b\' the navigation of
the Scheldt.

Lastly, the abolition of the slave-trade, a matter regarded by
the English with a passion bordering - on frenzy, has been agreed
to by the only two nations who had not, as yet, relinquished it.

Lord Castlereagh is therefore sufficiently armed against all
the attacks of the opposition, and carries with him everything
needed to flatter public opinion.

But as I took pains to point out to him, the ministers of a
representative government must not only satisfy the popular

' Text'.- as lianslaterl. Var. . " ct' parti " = " this side. "
" Text: as translated. Var.. ■'^f')'/'t'^"= '* carried."

THE CONGRESS OF VIENNA. 45

party, but they must also satisfy the government. " This," I said,
" you can only do if you work together with us and according to
our ^ views, in the affairs of Naples."

I have employed the last eight days in trying to bring him to
face this question, and if I have not succeeded in making him take
our side, which he does not feel at liberty to do, I have at least made
him desire almost as earnestly as ourselves, the expulsion of Murat,
and he has gone away determined to do his utmost to get his
government to consent to this. Two things perplex him : the
one how to pronounce against Murat without seeming to violate
the promises given him ^ (this is what Lord Castlereagh calls not
compromising his character), the other, to decide on the means
necessary to insure success in case of resistance, without com-
promising the interests or wounding the prejudices and exciting
the fears of any one. He has promised that three days after his
arrival in London, he will despatch a courier with the decisions
of his court, and imbued as he is with my * reasons, he hopes this
will be favourable. What I wish is, that without entering into
discussions, which always weaken the point at issue. Lord
Wellington should be authorized to declare that his court re-
cognizes Ferdinand IV. as King of the Two Sicilies. I pray your
Majesty to speak to Lord Castlereagh* in this spirit when he
comes to Paris. During the latter part of his stay in Vienna he
showed himself very willing to follow the line I urged upon
him. He spoke against Murat to the Emperor of Russia, whom
he saw with the Duke of Wellington. He told the Emperor of
Austria, " Russia is your natural enemy. Prussia is devoted to
Russia. You cannot count upon any power on the Continent
except France ; it is your interest therefore to be friends with
the House of Bourbon, and this you cannot be until Murat ^ is
expelled."

The Emperor of Austria replied : " I fully admit the truth
of what you say."

Finally, when he and Lord Wellington went together to M.
de Metternich, he said, " You will have a very hot discussion over
the affairs of Naples. Do not imagine you can escape it. This
business will, I warn you, be brought before the congress. Take
your measures accordingly, and, if necessary, send troops into
Italy."

They each told me separately, that this declaration threw M.

1 Text: as translated. Var.: " un autre ssts' =" another view."

2 It will be remembered that by the treaty of January 1 1, 1814, Austria had
guaranteed the throne of Naples to Murat. England had recognized this treaty.

3 Text: as translated. Var.: "nos"="out"
*Text: as translated. Var.: "lui"="him."

= Text: as translated. Var.: "jawj que " = " unless."

46 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLE YRAND.

de Metternich into un grand abattement : these are their words,
and your Majesty will the better understand M. de Metternich's
despondency when you have read the secret articles of the treaty
he made with Murat, and of which I have the honour to send
you herewith a copy. That, under such circumstances, he should
have guaranteed him the kingdom of Naples one can easily
conceive. But that he should have carried degradation to such
a point, as to insert a clause in this treaty, by which Murat
generously renounces his right to the, kingdom of Sicily and
guarantees that kingdom to Ferdiiiand TV., is something almost
beyond belief, even when it is proved.^

Your Majesty will no doubt learn with some little surprise
that the principle of legitimacy enters but little into the calcula-
tions of Lord Castlereagh or even those of the Duke of Wellington
as regards Murat. It is a principle which does not affect them
greatly and which they hardly seem to understand. With Murat,
it is the man, not the usurper, whom they detest. The principles
pursued by the English in India have deprived them of any
exact ideas of^ fairness. Nothing made such an impression on
Lord Castlereagh, who wants peace above all things, as my
declaration to him that peace was impossible if Murat was not
expelled, seeing that his remaining on the throne of Naples is
incompatible with the existence of the House of Bourbon.

I also had an intei-view with the Emperor of Russia last
Monday morning, the 13th instant. I only wished to see
him about Naples, and remind him as to the promises he had
given me in this matter. But he took the opportunity to speak
about many other things of which I shall have to inform your
Majesty. I pray that your Majesty will permit me to relate them
in the form of a dialogue as I have often done before in other
letters.

I began by telling the emperor that I had for some time
forborne to intrude upon him, in order not to interfere either

■' The actual treaty of alliance signed January 11, 1814, between Austria and
Naples, was followed by various secret articles of which the following is an analysis ;

The Emperor of Austria undertakes to obtain in favour of his Majesty King
Joachim Napoleon and his descendants a formal act of renunciation from his Majesty
the King of Sicily, himself and his heirs in perpetuity, of all his claims to the king-
dom of Naples. This renunciation shall be recognized and guaranteed to his Majesty
the King of Naples, by his Majesty the Emperor of Austria, and his Imperial
Majesty will do his utmost to obtain the same recognition and guarantee from the
other allied powers.

On his part, the King of Naples promised to guarantee Sicily to King Ferdinand,
and undertook to pay him an indemnity (Art. I.).

The Emperor of Austria likewise guaranteed to the King of Naples a good
military frontier in the north (Art. IV.). Kn additional article promised him an
increase of four hundred thousand souls taken from the Roman States.

2 Te.xt : as translated. Van: "«<?- la "= "respecting."

THE CONGRESS OF VIENNA. ^7

with his business or his pleasures ; but that as the carnival
had put an end to the latter, and as the former had been
settled, I was now anxious to see him. I added that even
the congress had only one important matter still to decide.

" You wish to speak of the Neapolitan affairs .' "

" Yes, sire," and I reminded him that he had promised me
his support.

" But you must help me."

" We have done so as far as matters depended on us. Your
Majesty knows that, as it was impossible to attempt the complete
re-establishment of the kingdom of Poland, we have not been,
on account of these special arrangements, in opposition to your
views, and your Majesty has surely not forgotten that at the
beginning of the congress, the English were very adverse on the
question."

" How about the affairs of Switzerland .' "

" I am not aware that in Swiss matters we have ever been in
opposition to your Majesty. We were desired to do our very
utmost to allay irritation. I do not know how far we have
succeeded in this, but it is all we have aimed at. The Bernese
were the most incensed, for they had lost the most, and
therefore had more to reclaim. An indemnity was offered
them, which they considered quite insufficient ; we have in-
duced them to be satisfied with it. I only know that they
ask for the bishopric of Basle absolutely, and that they are
quite determined to accept nothing less."

" And what will you do for Genoa ? "

" Nothing, sire."

" Oh ! " in a surprised and reproachful tone.

" It is impossible for us to do anything. The king will
never give up anything French."

" Could nothing be obtained from Sardinia .' "

" I cannot possibly say."

" Why did you cede the Valtelline to Austria ? " ^

" On this point, sire, nothing has yet been decided. The
affairs of Austria having been so badly managed

" It is her own fault," said the emperor, "why does she not
employ clever men .' "

"Austria having been induced to make many sacrifices,
which must have cost her a good deal, I thought it only fair,

1 The Valtelline, formerly an imperial fief, had in former times been given to the
bishops of Coire. These had ceded it to the Grisons in 1530, which for a long time
had to defend it against Spain. Napoleon joined this district to the kingdom of Italy
and formed it into the department of the Adda. In 1814 it was given to Austria,
which in 1859 ceded it to Piedmont together with Lombardy.

48 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLE YRAND.

especially in matters of small importance, to do what would
be agreeable to her."

" The Valtelline formed part of Switzerland, and it had been
promised to be given back to her."

" The Valtelline has been separated from Switzerland for more
than eighteen years ; she never knew the rule under which your
Majesty would replace her. To give her back to the Grisons,
to which she formerly belonged, would be to make her very
unhappy. It therefore seems most suitable to me to form ^
her into a separate canton, if Austria does not obtain her."

" That can be arranged ; and now what are you doing for
Prince Eugene } "

" Prince Eugene is a French subject, and as such has
nothing to demand. But he is the King of Bavaria's son-in-
law ; having become so, in consequence of the position to which
France has attained, and of the influence she possesses, it is
therefore only fair that France should endeavour to secure for
him what, owing to this alliance, it is only reasonable and
possible that he should have. We therefore are desirous of
doing something for him. We wish him to become a depend-
ent prince of the House of Bavaria, and that in consequence
of this, the king's share in the distribution of the disposable
territories should be a larger one."

" Why not give him a sovereignty ? "

" Sire, his marriage with a Bavarian princess is not sufficient
ground for so doing. Prince Radziwill is the King of Prussia's
brother-in-law, but he has no sovereignty." ^

" But why not give him Deux Ponts for instance .■' It would
be a very trifling matter."

" I beg your Majesty's pardon. The Duchy of Deux Ponts
has always been looked upon as something considerable ; besides
which, hardly enough disposable land remains to fulfil the engage-
ments already entered into."

" And the marriage ? "

" The king has done me the honour to inform me that he
still earnestly desires it."

"And so do I," replied the emperor, "and my mother does
the same. She speaks about it in her last letters to me."

"The king," I answered, "awaiting a reply from your

^ Text: as translated. Var.: "fairs" =" make."

^ There is an error here. Prince Antoine-Henry de Radziwill, Governor of the
Grand Duchy of Posen, had married in 1 796 the Princess Frederica-Dorothea-Louise,
daughter of Ferdinand, Prince of Prussia, and grand-daughter of King Frederic-
William I. He was therefore by marriage cousin-german to King Frederic- William

THE CONGRESS OF VIENNA. 49

Majesty, has refused several other proposals that have been
made to him."

" I also have refused one.^ The King of Spain asked my
sister in marriage, but being informed that she would require to
have her own private ecclesiastical establishment, and that this
was a necessary condition, he withdrew his demand."

" The conduct of his Catholic Majesty in this matter will
show you in what way his most Christian Majesty would be
obliged to act. The king thought it would be better first to
finish the affairs of the congress, before treating of this matter^ *

" I should, however, like to know where I am."

" Sire, the last orders I received were in conformity with
what General Pozzo told your Majesty."

" Why do you not carry out the treaty of April nth ?"

" Having been absent from Paris for five months, I do not
know what has been done in this matter."

" The treaty has not been carried out and we must insist on
its fulfilment. This is a point of honour with us ; we could on
no account depart from it. The Emperor of Austria is as
anxious as I am about it, and is very much offended that it is
not carried out."

" Sire, I will not fail to report what your Majesty^ has told
me. But I must bring to your Majesty's notice * that owing to
the agitation prevailing in the countries bordering on France,
especially Italy, there might be some danger, if means for intrigue
were furnished to persons who might be only too ready to make
use of them."^

Finally we returned to Murat. I briefly recapitulated all
the legitimate, moral, and beneficial reasons which ought to com-
bine Europe against him. I pointed out the difference between
his position and that of Bernadotte, which the emperor quite
realized ; and in support of what I had said, I quoted the
Almanach Royal, which I had just received. He begged me to
send it to him, adding : " What you tell me has given me the
greatest pleasure. I feared the contrary, and Bernadotte
dreaded it even more than I."

Thereupon the emperor spoke of Murat with the greatest
contempt. " He is," .said he, " a scoundrel who has betrayed us ;
but," he added, " whenever I take up a thing, I always like to be

^ Text : as translated. Var. : " mats fai ili en meme temps refusi," — "but I at
the same time have been refused."

^ Suppressed i& the text of the archives.

' Text : " Votre Majestie me fait." Var. : " Vous me faites " = " you do me."

* Text :" Dois faire observer. " Var.: 'dois observer."

' These last phrases refer to the Emperor Napoleon, to whom the French
government had not paid the moneys as agreed by the treaty of April 11, 1814.

VOL. III. ' E

5°

THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

sure of bringing it to a satisfactory conclusion. If Murat resists,
he must be driven out. I have spoken about this ^ to the Duke
of Wellington. He thinks it would require a very large muster
of troops, and that when it came to a question of embarkation,
great difficulties would arise."

I answered that I did not want troops (for 1 know they
would have been refused me) but only one line, a single line,
inserted in the future treaty, and that France and Spain v/ould
undertake the rest ; upon which the emperor replied, " You may
count upon my support."

During the whole course of this conversation he ° was very
distant, but on the whole I was rather satisfied than dissatisfied
with him.

Lord Castlereagh has spoken to me with great warm.th
respecting the treaty of April nth, and will, I have no doubt,
also speak of it to your Majesty. The matter has been revived
again lately, and is now in every one's mouth. I must inform
your Majesty that it often crops up, and in a ver}- unpleasant
manner. It has sensibly influenced the question of the MovJ
de Milan^ which interests so many of your Majesty's subjects
and servants.

It has therefore occurred to me that your Majest}- might
extricate yourself from whatever is difficult of fulfilment in the
treaty of April iith, by coming to some understanding with
England.

During the first days of my sta;-/ here, Lord Castlereagh
expressed a wish to offer France some compensation if she
would at once renounce the slave-trade. Pecuniary compensa-
tions are, as a rule, easier for England than any others. I then
thought it advisable to defer this proposal without actually
refusing it, and reserve it for future consideration.

Latterly, in speaking of Murat, and the provision it would
be indispensable to make him, if (Europe having pronounced
against him), he submits to her decision, Lord Castlereagh did
not hesitate to say that England would willingly undertake
to assure an income to Murat, by assigning him a sum in the
English funds, if France consented to renounce the slave-
trade. If such an arrangement were deemed practicable, I have
no doubt but that it would be easy to include the pensions
stipulated for by the treaty of April i ith, in the payments
provided for by England.

This arrangement, owing to the mania of the English for the

^ Text: as translated. Var.; " (7-/-z7 a/'(7w;'^ " = " he added. "

- Text: as translated. Var. :" /'.£?«/(?/■?«?- a ete froid " = "the Emperor was very
distant."

^ A Life Insurance Office instituted by Napoleon.

THE CONGRESS OF VIENNA. 51

abolition of the slave-trade, would certainly have the advantage
of drawing England into a closer alliance with our cause irt
Naples, and inducing her to second our efforts there.

It now remains to be seen whether, in the present state of
her colonies, France, in renouncing the slave-trade for the four
years and three months it has still to run, would make a greater
or less sacrifice than the actual good to be hoped for from the
arrangement which I have just mentioned. I therefore venture
to entreat your Majesty to examine this question closely, so as to
make your intentions on this point known to Lord Castlereagh,
who will probably not fail to speak to your Majesty about it.

I could have wished that the treaty of January 3rd, (which, the
congress once ended, will be void) might have been prolonged to
some more or less distant date, if only by a mutual declaration.
But there were some difficulties about this, as the character of M.
de Metternich does not inspire much confidence. Lord Castle-
reagh assured me, however, that when the treaty expires, the spirit
which dictated it will survive. He is, above all things, anxious
not to give offence to the other continental powers, but this
does not prevent his wishing to establish intimate relations
between the two governments, and that they should not cease
in their mutual desire for the preservation of peace. In a word,
he has left Vienna with views I cannot but praise, and in which
he will be confirmed by what he hears from your Majesty's
own lips.

I perceive that my letter is somewhat voluminous, and I fear
lest your Majesty may find it too long for all that it contains.
But I would rather run the risk of being too lengthy than sup-
press any details which your Majesty might consider necessary.

By the next courier, I shall have the honour to forward
the treaties of the coalition, which I have succeeded in obtaining.
When your Majesty has examined them, I would beg you to-
send them to M. de Jaucourt, in order that they may be deposited
in the Foreign Office.

The departure of General Pozzo has again been talked of.'-
I have the honour to be. . . .

No. 23.— King Louis XVIII. to the Prince de
Talleyrand.

Paris, February i8/h, 1815..

MoN Cousin,

I have received your letter No. 25,^ and have read it
with much satisfaction. I should certainly have preferred that

^ Text ! as translated. Var. : " On a reparle "=" They have spoken again."
= Var.: "No. 26."

E 2

52 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

the King of Saxony should keep his entire kingdom, but I never
expected it, and I consider it quite a miracle, seeing how little
support we received, that we were enabled to secure to him what
is left. On one point I have great pleasure in expressing to you
my satisfaction. That is, that Prussia has got neither Luxem-
bourg nor Mayence. Such near neighbourhood would have
been very much opposed to the future peace of France. Let us
leave the sword in its scabbard. General Ricard's journey will
have been useless, but it will have proved to my allies my
eagerness to be quite straight with them.

Lord Wellington's conduct touches ' but does not surprise
me ; he is a loyal man ; your remarks upon what he said are
perfectly true.

I expect, equally with yourself, difficulties in the Neapolitan
affair, but we must overcome them. Setting aside all sentiment,
Murat's existence becomes every day more dangerous. Berna-
dotte's case is a peculiar one, but the principle once allowed, you
must admit the consequences.

The papers are full of the admirable conduct of the governor
(whose name I cannot at this moment recollect) of the fortress
of Konigstein.^ I should like to make him a Commander of the
Legion of Honour ; but before doing so, I want to know, first if
the facts are true ; secondly, would the King of Saxony like my
giving him this decoration ; I desire you to ascertain these two
points. Whereupon I pray God may have you, my cousin, in
His safe and holy keeping.

Louis.

No. 28.— The Prince de Talleyrand to King
Louis XVHI.

Vienna, February zoth, 1815.

Sire,

I have the honour to send your Majesty the documents
mentioned in my last despatch. Even if they are not a complete
collection of the treaties entered into by the allied powers, they
are at least the most important ones : they are : —

' Text: as translated. Van: " a Vienne "= " at Vienna. ''

- The Moniteurs of the 6lh and loth February, 1815, give an account of the for-
tress of Konigstein. It is probable that the fact to which the king alludes is the one
reported in the following terms on the loth February : " The fortress of Konigstein,
situated about three leagues from the Bohemian frontier, plays just now as prominent
a part as during the Seven Years' War. The great allied powers had already recog-
nized its neutrality at the time that Buonaparte's armies still occupied these countries.
General de Zeschau gave up his command at this time to escape tile proposals made
lo liim and which compromised his honour."

THE CONGRESS OF VIENNA. 53

A convention made in the form 1 of a memorandum, between
Austria and Russia on the 29th March, 1813, and called the
Convention of Kalisch.^

The treaty of peace and alliance between Russia and
Prussia. This has often been spoken of as the treaty of Kalisch,
because it was negotiated, and, as it seems, also drafted there.
But it was signed at Breslau on the 26th February, 1813.'

The treaty of Reichenbach, in the same year, and dated
June 27, between Austria, Russia, and Prussia.

The treaty of Toplitz of September 9, between the same
powers, together with the secret articles of this treaty.

Lastly, that of Chaumont, which was to perpetuate the
alliance against France for twenty years after the war, which it
was proposed to renew before the expiration of that time, and
which tended to render that coalition perpetual. This the treaty
of January 3 has dissolved.

It may interest your Majesty to look over these various
documents. In them you will find an explanation of some of
the difficulties we have had to contend against ; also the reason
of the embarrassment experienced by the allies themselves,
especially Austria, from not having made, when it entirely
depended on herself, such stipulations as the most ordinary
common sense ought to have made her see were indispensable.

I pray your Majesty to have the kindness, after having read
these documents, to send them to M. le Comte de Jaucourt, for
safe custody at the Foreign Office.

I have already had the honour to announce to your Majesty
that the Kings of Bavaria and Hanover had agreed to the treaty
of alliance of the 3rd January. I wished to send them their
deed of agreement, at the same time as that for Holland ; but as
this latter is not yet finished, and the Prince de Wrede has urged
on me the exchange of the ratifications with that of Bavaria, I
have the honour to forward them to-day to your Majesty. I
also send duplicates of the deeds of agreement which I have

1 Text: as translated. Var.: "forment " = " form.''

^ There is apparently some confusion here. There never was a Convention of
Kalisch on March 29, 1813, betvireen Austria and Russia. Besides at that time Austria
was still the ally of France. Perhaps M. de Talleyrand meant to speak of the Con-
vention signed on March 19, at Breslau, between Russia and Prussia, to regulate the
manner of occupying the countries of the Rhine Confederation as well as their
administration.

' The treaty of alliance between Russia and Prussia was signed at Breslau on
February 27, and not on the 26th, by M. de Hardenberg, and on February 28 at
Kalisch, by Prince Koutousoff. The treaty of Rechenbach was signed between
England and Prussia on June 14, and not on the 25th. Austria took no part in it
then. On the contrary she adhered to the treaty of Toplitz of September Q. after the
rupture of flie Congress of Prague.

54 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

signed. These two last deeds are those for ratification by your
Majesty. I pray you to have the goodness to send them to
M. le Comte de Jaucourt, that he may, if your Majesty thinks
fit, prepare the ratifications.

A courier just arrived, brings me the letter of the nth of this
month, with which your Majesty has honoured me.

I shall await with great impatience the next, in which your
Majesty will, I hope, inform me of the result of your interviews
with Lord Castlereagh. I should like the paragraph about
Naples to be of such a nature that it may be shown to M. de
Metternich, it cannot be too positive.

I have the honour to be

No. 29. — The Prince de Talleyrand to King
Louis XVIII.

Vienna, February 24, 1815.

Sire,

Joachim's minister here,^ has received a complete me-
morandum, with instructions to send it to me after having shown
it to M. de Metternich, to whom he has in fact communicated it.

The object of this memorandum is to ask for an explanation
of certain steps which he says I have taken against him at the
congress, and to demand whether your Majesty considers that
you are at peace with him or not. Joachim's minister feeling
sure that this memorandum was written and ordered to be sent
to me in consequence of some statements he himself had made,
on the supposition that no arrangement would be arrived at
respecting Saxony, and that war would break out, thought he
could not now make use of it (this supposition having fallen
through) without compromising his master's interests rather than
serving him. He has therefore taken upon himself to suppress
the memorandum and it is not to be sent to me.

I heard all these details from the Duke of Wellington and
consulted with him as to what course should be taken with regard
to the communication M. de Metternich had received respecting
the note. We both agreed that M. de Metternich must be
persuaded to utilise it, in order to send a declaration to me as
well as to the Due de Campo-Chiaro, to the effect that Austria

■^ This was the Due de Campo-Chiaro, who was first an officer in the Neapolitan
army, then Councillor of State and Master of the King's Household, under King
Joseph, and subsequently Minister of Police under Murat. He was at various times
charged with diplomatic missions. He was sent to Vienna in 1814, but was not
recognized. After the restoration he was removed from office, became for a short
time Minister of Foreign Affairs, but was obliged soon after to retire in 1820.

THE CONGRESS OF VIENNA. 55

will not permit any foreign troops to pass through her territory,
and to support this declaration by recalling the troops now on
the frontiers of Poland and Saxony^ and sending them to Italy.

The Duke of Wellington spoke in the same sense to M. de
Metternich, whom I afterwards saw and to whom I expressed
myself in similar terms. The result is that to-day the Emperor
of Austria has ordered the despatch of 150,000 men to Italy,
and that the declaration mentioned above will be sent to us to-
morrow.

Austria's principal pretext for putting off Neapolitan affairs
was that she was not ready and that she feared Murat might
bring about a revolution in Italy. This objection was not with-
out weight and made some impression on the English and the
Russians, but it will fall to the ground the moment the Austrians
have a considerable force in Italy.

For this we are indebted to Joachim's memorandum, which
makes us look upon that incident as a very happy one.

The fact of the failure ^ of this memorandum seeing that it
was both insulting and contrary to its author's interests, since
the affairs of Saxony have been arranged, proves that we may
congratulate ourselves on this having occurred ; in fact, but for
this, Austria would have been unable to send a large force into
Italy. If I can obtain a copy of the memorandum from M.
de Metternich, I will have the honour to forward it to your
Majesty.

In this state of affairs, does not your Majesty consider that
the assembly of troops in the south of France under any pretext
except the real one, might be advantageous .■'

Swiss affairs will in all probability be completed in a few
days, with the exception of one point, that of the Valtelline
which it seems decided to leave unsettled, and always excepting
the consent of the cantons to the proposals made to them.
For it was decided to propose to them what was considered most
expedient, before insisting on it.

Austria and Bavaria are in negotiation respecting the retro-
cession, demanded by Austria, of territory occupied by Bavaria,
and a compensation to be given to the latter. As these two
powers are far from coming to an understanding, it has been
suggested to ask France and England to mediate. But it seems
to me that by allowing England to have the sole honour of this
mediation, France will be- able to influence the arrangements
without compromising herself with either of those two powers
whom it is equally her interest to conciliate.

1 Suppressed in the text of the archives.

= Text : as translated. Var. : " non remise " = "non-delivery.''

56 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

M. de Metternich has come to ask me with an air of great
mystery to let Italian affairs stand over till the 5th or 6th of
March, by which time he fancies I shall have received the
commands which your Majesty may be pleased to send me after
having seen Lord Castlereagh.

Although unable to discern the motive for this request, I
could not well refuse it.^ But on the other hand I see incon-
veniences must arise, inasmuch as Austria has arranged all that
concerns her interests outside of Italy, and that the affairs of
that country, which really are the most important to us, will
remain exposed, to chance and we ourselves to all the difficulties
Austria may place in our way. I therefore do not want Ba-
varian matters to be concluded too quickly. Thus, though my
impatience to be once again near your Majesty after such a long
absence, needs not the spur of the ennui with which Vienna
seems to be affected since the opening of the congress, I find
myself obliged not to hurry matters just now ; on the contrary
to retard all action as much as I can, and to wait.

I attach to this letter the deed of agreement with Holland,
which I have just signed. I pray your Majesty after having
ratified the deed, to order its return to me by M. le Comte de
Jaucourt.

I have the honour to be

No. 4. — Le Comte de Blacas D'Aulps to Prince
Talleyrand.2

Paris, February 25, 1S15.

Prince,

The king has received your despatch No. 27, but his
Majesty having at present a rather severe attack of gout defers
replying to you until he has seen Lord Castlereagh whom we
expect at any moment.

^ This is the explanation of the mysterious conduct of jV[. de Metternich. To-
wards the middle of February the Congress were all agreed on the question of Parma.
That duchy was to return to the ancient dynasty. Marie-Louise was to get the
duchy of Lucca, which at her death was to be re-united to Tuscany. But the
empress positively refused to take Lucca, and insisted on having Parma. Metter-
nich was forced to yield to her wishes. He therefore resolved to give Parma to the
empress and to indemnify the Queen of Etruria by means of Lucca and some pen-
sions. But foreseeing violent opposition on the part of Talleyrand whose personal
views obliged him to hold very strong opinions on questions of legitimacy, he pre-
ferred addressing himself to Louis XVIII. direct. Lord Castlereagh, who was
returning to London, undertook the charge of this negotiation on his way through
Paris. It was for this reason that M. de Metternich asked for a few days' respite to
give the English minister time for an interview, (See what the king says abottt hia
interview with Lord Castlereagh in his letter of March 3.)

- This letter is not to be found in M. Pallain's collection.

THE CONGRESS OF VIENNA. 57

I do not however like the courier to leave without sending
you news of the king. The attack of gout came on rather
mildly, and for the last few days his Majesty has already felt
better. After what you have said as to the state of the negotia-
tions, it is very evident that you are not by any means near the
end of your efforts. The consent of the King of Saxony, not-
withstanding the subtraction of thirty thousand souls, will not,
I hope, retard the settlement of this great question : that of
Naples presents many other difficulties, which would be still
more formidable, but for the resolute firmness to which you have
accustomed the congress, and the useful co-operation afforded
by Lord Wellington, who seems greatly disposed to second you,
and to combat the prejudices or scruples of M. le Prince de
Mettemich. The king will leave nothing undone to convey to
England through Lord Castlereagh, the most decisive expressions
on a subject so closely allied to the interests of all the powers
which only seek the consolidation of peace.

As to the abolition of the slave-trade, if it is found necessary
to make any concessions on this point, let us at least endeavour
to obtain a fair return, by formal engagements on the part of the
cabinet of St James's ; and let us make sure that it will agree to
the re-establishment of Ferdinand IV. on the throne of Naples.
This is the aim towards which every step must henceforth be
taken to further the king's views on a matter which becomes as
it were of paramount importance.

Accept Prince. . .

Blacas D'Aulps.

No. 30. — The Prince de Talleyrand to King
Louis XVIII.

Vienna, February 26, 1815.

Sire,

I have the honour to send your iVIajesty a copy of M. de
Metternich's declaration mentioned in my last despatch, also a
copy of the reply I sent him.

Your Majesty will see that this reply is absolutely in accord-
dance with the import of the letter written by me to Lord
Castlereagh, in which I said, that in the operations against Murat,
we should not pass through Italy.

I could have wished that the declaration of Austria against
Murat was more explicit. But it was dangerous to give him a
pretext for violent action, as the Austrians are not fully prepared
in Italy. Orders have been issued to hurry on the troops. They
will have a hundred and fifty thousand men there, and also a

58 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

reserve of fifty thousand in Carinthia, which will be sufficient to
inspire Murat with respect, or stultify his attempts. But as matters
move very slowly here, the Prince de Schwarzenberg has asked
for a delay of seven weeks to admit of his forces reaching their
destination. The memorandum which decided their departure,
always seems to me a happy incident. I am going to Presburg
to-morrow to visit Madame de Brionne ^ who received the sacra-
ments yesterday and who has asked to see me. I shall be back
again on Monday night or Tuesday, and as affairs are still in
abeyance they will not suffer in any way from my two days'
absence.

General Pozzo leaves for certain on the 1st or 2nd of March,
he will be about ten days on the road.

The Emperor of Russia is very busy with the Archduchesss
Marie- Louise's affairs. He has had a scheme drawn up by which
the legations would be almost entirely taken away from the Pope.
In so doing he places himself in opposition to the principles
agreed upon between the plenipotentiaries of the great powers.
At present his new scheme rests in the portfolio of M. d'Anstett

I have the honour ....

No. 24. — King Louis XVIIL to the Prince de
Talleyrand.

Paris, March 3, 1815.

MoN Cousin,

I have received your letters numbered 27 and 28. I did
not write to you last week, first because I awaited the arrival
of Lord Castlereagh,^ and afterwards, as is usual when an attack
of gout comes on, I was very feverish, which does not conduce
to the dictation of a letter.*

Lord Castlereagh arrived on Sunday evening, I saw him
on Monday and Tuesday, and found him very well disposed
to the basis of the Neapolitan rnatter, but as a minister, some-

' Louise Julie Constance de Rohan Montauban was born on March 6, 1734.
Married October 3, 1748, Louis Charles of Lorraine, Prince of Lambese, Comte de
Brionne, became a widow January 28, 1761, and died March 29, 1815, at Presburg.
She had welcomed M. de Talleyrand on his first entrance into Parisian society, and
he retained the warmest affection for her to the day of her death.

^ Text: as translated. Var. : "J'attendais Lord Castlereagh ti tout moment et
ensuite parcequ'azw^z que c'est vion tisage, au commencement de la goutte, fai eu la
fievre ce qui ne rend pas tres apte a dieter" = "I awaited Lord Castlereagh at every
moment, and then, as is my habit when gout comes on, I got feverish, which is not
conducive to dictation."

^ The king here makes a mistake, all the rough drafts of his letters written b"
himself are still in the archives of the Foreigin Office at Paris.

THE CONGRESS OF VIENNA. 59

what fastidious and very strongly attached to the Vienna
cabinet.

After repeating all you had yourself told me he had said to
Prince Mettemich, he went on to various proposals on which
he said he was quite agreed with the Austrian minister. The
gist of these propositions is, that the court of Vienna asks
nothing better than to co-operate in the expulsion of Murat,
"provided" he added "that your Majesty shows as much con-
sideration for the north of Italy, as Austria has manifested for
the interest of the south, and that Parma, Placencia, and
Guastalla are given to the Archduchess Marie-Louise, the
three branches of the house of Bourbon undertaking to indem-
nify the house of Etruria."^ I assured him that the state of
Parma was an hereditary succession, which had come into my
family through Queen Elizabeth Farnese,^ that neither France,
Spain, nor the kingdom of Naples had anything to do with it,*
and that therefore, setting aside all family interest, justice alone
forbids my allowing those to whom this principality belongs
to be robbed of it ; * but that if Austria insisted on the con-
vention of April nth as regards the Arcnduchess Marie-
Louise being carried out, I would consent to the Queen of
Etruria or rather her son, receiving Lucca and the Presidios as
an indemnity, provided that the sovereignty of Parma is re-
cognized as belonging to him, and will revert to him on the
death of the Archduchess Marie-Louise. Then Lucca, as well
as the Presidios, will be reunited to Tuscany.

^ Var. : " 'Mais,' m'a-i-il dit, ' c« cedant four le sud de t IlaRe, elle attend la
m^me complaisance de la part de v6tre Majesty pour la partie du nord, et elle voudrait
que Panne, Plaisance et Guastalla apfartinssent a I'archiduchesse Marie- Louise et
que les trois cours de la maison de Bourbon se chargeassent d'indemniser la reine
d'Etrurie '" = " ' But, ' he said to me, ' in ceding thus for the south of Italy, she
expects your Majesty to show the same complaisance for the northern part, and she
would wish that Parma, Placenzia and Guastalla should belong to the Archduchess
Marie Louise, and that the three courts of the House of Bourbon should charge them-
selves with indemnifying the Queen of Etruria.' "

2 The duchy of Parma had belonged ever since 154 to the family of Farnese.
The male line died out in 1 731. Elizabeth, the niece of the last duke, married to
Phillip v.. King of Spain (the first Bourbon king), got this duchy presented to her
son Don Carlos. The treaties of the quadruple alliance (1781), the treaty of Vienna,
between France and Austria (1725), and the treaty of Seville, between France and
England (1729), assured him the possession of it. Duke Charles having been called
to the throne of Naples, the duchy of Parma passed on to Austria (treaty of Vienna,
1736). The treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle (1748) returned the duchy to Don Phillip, the
second son of Phillip V. and Elizabeth Farnese. In this way the duchy of Parma
returned finally to the House of Bourbon.

' Var. : " que cela n'avait rien de commune avec," etc = " that this had nothing
in common with. "

* Var. : " exproprier une branclie de ma faTnille" = "dispossess one branch of
my family. "

6o THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

He did not seem disinclined ^ to this arrangement, which
after all is of greater interest to Austria ' than to England.

Yesterday I saw Baron Vincent, who brought a special and
secret message for me. He gave me a confidential memorandum
on the principal point which related to Parma, concerning which
I have just written to you, and on which head he told me his
instructions were very precise and imperative. I replied by a
counter-project in the same sense as my answer to Lord Castle-
reagh, and we parted, each maintaining" his own ground.^
Nevertheless I believe it will not be difficult to arrange this
matter. M. de Vincent told me that after this preliminary over-
ture, Prince Metternich would prefer to carry on the negotiations
in Vienna,'* but entirely between you and himself, and v.'ithout
the presence of any other member of the F"rench legation.
Not seeing any objection ^ to this I promised that it should be
so ; and 1 will send you by the first courier the two documents ^
of which I speak, with a few words ^ of instruction.

Your conversation^ with the Emperor of Russia has interested
me much, although his part of it is somewhat volatile and
erratic. I am however thoroughly satisfied with the way in
which you spoke to him.

I must not forget '^ to tell you that Lord Castlereagh insisted
strongly on two points when I saw him ; first on the article
of the treaty which assures the payment of the English debt ;
second on the fulfilment of the convention of April nth
respecting the Buonaparte family (a matter to which I will
revert in my next letter). He did not say a word about the'
slave-trade.

My gout is better, I am in hopes that this attack will not
last so long as usual. Whereupon I pray God may have you,
my cousin, in His safe and holy keeping.

Louis.

' Var. : ■'// ne m'a paru dtt tout eloigne " — "he did not seem at all dis-
inclined."

- Var. : " liens plus a T Autriche qii a " = "is more to Austria than to.''

^ Var. : " nous nous sommes separes ckaciin siir son terrain, mais je crois =
"we parted, each on his own ground, but I think."

■* Var. : " mais il nia dit qu'apres cette premiere ouverture ya//t' ii iiioi personeUe-
ment, M. de Metternich desirait que la negociation continual a Vienne " = "but he
said to me, that after this first overture, made to me personally, M. de Metternich
wished the negotiation to be continued at Vienna."

5 Var. • "yVy voyant pas de difficulics" = " not seeing any difficulties in this."

* Var. . " copie des deifx pikes^^ = "a copy of the two documents."

' Var. " N'otes" — "Memorandums."

' Var. : "Je vous dirai en peit de mots que voire conversation ' = " I will tell you
in a few words that your conversation."

^ Var. . " f ^'fTL'/v oublier " = "also forget."

THE CONGRESS OF VIENNA. 6i

P.S. — I have just received your letter numbered 29. I think ^
with you that the incident of Murat's memorandum not having
been delivered is very satisfactory. You will find in this letter
and will receive further detailed in the next, the key to the
mysterious request made to you by M. de Metternich.

No. 30. — The Ambassadors of the King at the Congress
TO THE Minister of Foreign Affairs at Paris.

Vienna, March 3, 181 5.
Monsieur le Comte,

By the fifth article of the treaty of Paris, the signatory
powers were bound to proceed in future Congress to frame laws
for the navigation of the Rhine, equally favourable to the
commerce of all nations. The special commission charged
with this part of the negotiations has adopted a basis in con-
formity with the treaty of Paris, and has decided among other
questions of importance to French commerce, that the tariffs
should not be increased, and that the powers should each
separately contribute towards the revenue accruing from the
dues, a sum proportionate to the distance traversed by the river
through their respective territories. France, which only possesses
one bank, will have to share with the opposite bank that portion
of the revenue which will devolve on her.

This however was not the most difficult question to decide.
The right to participate in the administration of the dues was
denied to France, and she was only to send a French delegate to
the central commission, which is to be charged with that
administration. This was a subject of the hottest discussion, but
the firmness and constancy which have won success for the
king's embassy in matters of much greater importance, have
again prospered on this occasion. This is the more satisfactory
as the obstacles were difficult to surmount, for in addition to
special interests it was necessary to overcome the unfriendly
attitude assumed by more than one of the intervening powers
towards France in this matter.

It was further agreed that France if she wished, might levy
dues in advance, on the navigation between Bile and Strasburg,
and in this respect revert to the convention of 1804 under which
dues were only payable from Strasburg to Holland. But
although we deemed it best to secure this right for ourselves, it
will be well to ascertain whether it would interfere with our
trade, and whether it may not favour land transport on the

^ Var. : "considere" = "consider."

62 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

German bank, to the detriment of water carriage. We there-
fore pray you, Monsieur le Comte, to ask the Financial Secretary
of State to consult the Chambers of Commerce of the depart-
ments bordering on the Rhine, on this matter. They will be
able to point out how far the measure will be advantageous or
injurious, and whether it will be better to establish the same
regulations as exist on the rest of the river or to give this
portion unlimited licence.

You will find attached hereto, Monsieur le Comte, a memo-
randum which we beg you will read carefully. The remarks in
it respecting the conduct of a custom-house official are of no
importance, but we thought we ought to accept the proposals
of the bureaux of Neubourg and Germersheim, as they put a
stop to an abuse of which the merchants of Strasburg were the
principal victims. We allude to the increase in the tariff of dues
between Strasburg and Mannheim. Formerly there was only
one bu}'eau, that of Neubourg, for both towns ; the allies estab-
lished another at Germersheim. France being no longer possessed
of the territory between Strasburg and Mannheim can only there-
fore levy dues for that portion of her former territory through
which the Rhine flows. This demand is fair, and we beg you,
M. le Comte, to consult with the Minister of Finance on this
matter as well as on the preceding ones, so as to put in operation
the arrangement between the bureaux of Germersheim and
Neubourg dealt with in the memorandum, and apportion the
collection in such a manner, that France and the provisional
directory of customs, shall only receive between them the sum
due by the commerce of Mannheim and Strasburg, in accordance
with the convention of 1804 and proportionate to the distance
traversed by the river through their respective territories.
Be pleased to accept. . . .

No. 31. — The Prince de Talleyrand to King
Louis XVIII.

Sire,

The Duke of Saxe-Teschen,^ who went as far as Briinn
to meet the King of Saxony, has returned here this morning.
The king rests to-day about two stages from Vienna, and will

^ Albert, Due de Sax-Teschen, son of August II., Elector of Saxony and King
of Poland, was consequently the uncle of Louis XVIII. and of King Frederic-
Augustus. Bom in 1738, he married in 1766 the Archduchess Marie-Christine,
daughter of the Emperor Francis I. He was made Governor of the Netherlands,
commanded the Austrian troops in that country in 1792 and laid siege to Lille. He
became a Field Marshal and died in 1822.

THE CONGRESS OF VIENNA. 63

await at Presburg the departure of the two northern sovereignsy
who would certainly feel embarrassed by his presence here and
whom he himself probably has no wish to meet. It was thought
that he would be too far away at Briinn ; there was however no
suitable residence to offer him between Briinn and Vienna, hence
the preference for Presburg, notwithstanding the reasons I had
the honour to communicate to your Majesty in one of my
former letters.

The Emperor of Russia talks of leaving, and preparations
for his departure have even commenced. Report fixed it for the
14th of this month, then the 17th, and now they talk of the 20th.
The emperor has promised to be at home for the Russian
Easter, and I believe this is the only one of all the promises he
has made that he will keep, for he would find it inconvenient
not to do so. When he is once gone, the other sovereigns will
not remain either. The Emperor of Austria who for his part,
has for some time meditated a journey into his Italian provinces,
does not wish to postpone it beyond the month of April. Thus
the necessity or the wish of every one to leave, will hasten the
conclusion of affairs.

I have, as I promised M. de Metternich, allowed those of
Italy to remain dormant until I hear of Lord Castlereagh's visit
to Paris, and his arrival in London.

Austria and Bavaria are agreed on all but one point, that of
Salzburg, which Austria wants entirely, while Bavaria desires to
retain a part. I have strongly advised each of the two negotia-
tors separately, to endeavour to come to some understanding,
rather than incur the intervention of Russia and Prussia, which
will become inevitable if they do not agree. I trust my advice
will bear fruit, and I gave it in order to avoid the necessity of
having to pronounce in favour of one, which I could ^ not do,
without displeasing the other, while it is almost equally
important to us to be friends with both.

Swiss affairs are or will shortly be laid, by the commission
which has prepared them, before the Conference by which they
have to be confirmed. There is no longer a question of retaining
Porentruy ; this together with the bishopric of Bale is given as
we desired to the canton of Berne ; the fate of the Valtelline
alone remains undecided until Italian matters are settled ; even
Russia has agreed to this.

Laharpe, the philosopher, who thinks he never can do harm
enough to the Bernese, took it into his head to exclude the
canton of Berne from the Supreme Executive Council of the

1 Var. : ' ' pouvait " = " would. "

64 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

Federation,! and he succeeded in getting his illustrious pupil tc
support this foolish idea, in consequence of which a Russian
minister went to one of the ministers of Ferdinand IV. whom
he did not know and said to him, " Try and obtain the consent
of France to the exclusion of the canton of Berne from the
number of the executive cantons, and the Emperor Alexander,
who is singularly desirous to be satisfied on this point, will be on
3'our side." The same minister -went on the same day to M. de
Metternich to whom he said, " The Emperor Alexander has not
}'et made up his mind about Murat, he will aid you to uphold
iiim as you wish, if you will agree that the canton of Berne shall
not be one of the executive cantons." M. de Metternich replied
that such a proposal was not tenable.^ I on my part rejected it
the moment he uttered the first words. The Russians have
consequently withdrawn their scheme, and have by this attempt
only gained the disgrace that attaches to such gross duplicity,
which they apparently hold to be most admirable diplomatic
finesse.

When the Emperor Alexander first asked for the greater
part of the duch}^ of AVarsaw, he said it was in order to form a
kingdom to console the Poles, by giving them a semblance of
their ancient political existence, and to atone as far as possible
for the outrage done to morality by the division. Subsequently
he abandoned this point, and announced'' that he would give to
that portion of the duchy of Warsaw which he should obtain,
a special constitution, but now he wavers even as to this. Prince
Adam Czartoryski, whose penetration does not nearly equal his
lo3'alt\'', begins to see that he has been nursing a chimerical hope,
and of this he comp'ains.

It is probable that the Emperor Alexander will get out of
the difficulty with the Poles, by stopping only a moment in
Warsaw, and with Prince Czartoryski, by parting from him
coldl)' and avoiding all explanations. Your Majesty will be
able to judge how much the emperor will be regretted when he
leaves here, by what happened a few days ago.

^ The Act of Mediation of 1S03 had decided that the Helvetian Diet should meet
altemateiy at FiiVjurg, Soleure, Bern, Basle, Zurich, and Lucerne. The cantons of
which these towns were the capitals then became cantons dirccteurs for one year.
The a-joycr or burgomaster of the canton directctir then became by right lauda-
mann of Switzerland for one year. He had charge of the seal of the Confederation.
All foreign ministers were accredited to him. He had a right of police over the
other cantons and also to call out the troops. Laharpe tried to deprive Bern of the
right to become in her turn a canton directcur.

- It will be remembered that M. de Laharpe had been tutor to the Emperor
Alexander.

' Var. : "que ce tjui I'on deniandait " = " that that which was asked for.''
Var. : " mais annon9a " = " but announced."

THE CONGRESS OF VIENNA. 65

In the difficulty of knowing how to pass the time, now that
there are no more dances, and how best to overcome the ennui
with which every one is assailed, all sorts of games and amuse-
ments are being started. One of them which has become very
much the fashion, is getting up lotteries at the different reunions.
The night before last, a lottery of this kind took place at Princess
Marie Esterhazy's.^ She wished with much ingenuity (which has
been severely criticized) to arrange matters in such a way, that
the four principal prizes should fall to ladies specially taken
notice of by the Emperor of Russia and the King of Prussia,
both of whom were present. But this arrangement was upset by
Prince Metternich's little daughter, who went up to the basket
containing the tickets and drew one out of her turn. This ticket
was found to entitle her to the most magnificent prize of all
which the Emperor of Russia had brought. The emperor could
not hide his annoyance, to the great amusement of all those
present (your Majesty will remember that the emperor latterly
did not attend any of M. de Metternich's balls and did not even
speak to him when he met him elsewhere). Everything went
wrong with the emperor that evening. A prize brought by the
young Princess d'Auersperg, whom the emperor rather affected,
was won by one of the King of Prussia's aides-de-camp. The
emperor insisted, he even went so far as to point out that it
had been intended for her, but the aide-de-camp replied that it
was far too precious for him to give up. This delighted every
one ; so much so, that the emperor is beginning to find the evening
parties in Vienna not quite so pleasant as he did on his first
arrival.

I have just seen the detail of the troops that are marching
towards Italy. There are 120 battalions and 84 squadrons,
making in all 120,000 infantry and 15,000 cavalry. The generals
in command are Bianchi,^ Radetzky,^ Frimont,* and Jerome

' Marie- Josephine de Lichtenstein, bom in 1768, married in 1783 to Nicholas,
Prince Esterhazy de Galantha, Austrian Master of Ordnance.

^ Bianchi was a Field Marshal Lieutenant in 1815. He commanded an Austrian
corps at Leipsig in 181 3, and in l8i4he was placed in command of the troops sent
to operate against Lyons. In 18 15 he directed the campaign against Murat and took
Naples. He was made Governor of Galicia in 1815 {1768-1855).

' General Radetzky was born in 1766, entered the army in 1788, became chief of
the staff of Prince de Schwartzenberg in 1814. In 1831 he took command of the
Austrian troops in Lombardy, remained a long time in that country and had to put
down the insurrection there during 1848- 1 849. He retired in 1854, and died the
following year. He had been Field Marshal since 1836.

* Jean-Philipe, Comte de Frimont, Prince d'Antrodoco, was bom in 1756 in
Belgium and belonged to a French family. He served first in France, emigrated in
1791, and rejoined the army of Conde. He then entered the Austrian service and
became Field Marshal Lieutenant. In 18 12 he commanded an Austrian auxiliary
corps of the Grand Army. He subsequently went through the campaign of 1 813 and

VOL. in. F

66 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

Collorido.i There is besides a reserve of 50,000 men in
Carinthia, Styria, ....

General Pozzo is waiting a last despatch from the emperor
before starting.

I have the honour to be

No. 35. — The Prince de Talleyrand to King
Louis XVIII.

Vienna, March 7, 1815.

Sire,

I feel sure your Majesty is already aware, or will have
learnt before the receipt of this letter, that Buonaparte has
quitted the island of Elba, but in any case I hasten to transmit
the news 2 to your Majesty.

I first heard of it in a letter from M. de Metternich, to which
I replied, that I saw from the dates that Buonaparte's escape was
connected with Murat's request to Austria, to allow his troops to
march through his provinces. The Duke of Wellington shortly
afterwards sent me a despatch from Lord Burghersh,^ the English
minister at Florence,^ of which I have the honour to transmit
herewith a translation, as well as an extract from a letter from
the vice-consul at Ancona, also sent me by Lord Wellington.

Buonaparte embarked at Porto-Ferrajo, at nine o'clock on
the evening of the 26th of February. He had with him about
twelve hundred men, ten pieces of artillery, six of them field-
pieces, and some horses, and provisions for five or six days. The
English, who had undertaken to watch his movements, have done
it so carelessly that they will find some difficulty in excusing
themselves. The direction he has taken towards the north seems
to indicate that he intends proceeding to Genoa or the south of
France. \

1814, and commanded the army of occupation in France until 1818. In 1821 he
was sent to put down the insurrection in the kingdom of Naples. He died in 1831.

' Jerome, Comte de Collorido, second son of the minister to the Emperor Leo-
pold II., bom in 1775. He particularly distinguished himself in 1813. He com-
manded an Austrian corps at Dresden and won a victory at Kulm. After the war he
was made Master of Ordnance, and Commander-in-Chief in Bohemia.

^ The news had reached Vienna on March 6. It was not made public till
March II.

3 John Fane, Earl of Westmoreland (1784-1859) known till his father's death
(1841) under the title of Lord Burghersh, first entered the army and served in Sicily
and Portugal. In 1813 he was attached to the staff of de Schwartzenberg. In 1S14
he was appointed Minister at Florence. In 1822 he became Privy Councillor and
was then sent as Ambassador to Naples (1825), then to Berhn (184.1), wiiere he
remained till 1851, and finally to Vienna. He retired in 1855.

* Suppressed in the text of the archives.

THE CONGRESS OF VIENNA. 67

I cannot believe he would dare to make any attempt on our
southern provinces. He would not risk doing so, except \n
consequence of such favourable intelligence as there is no reason
to suppose he has received. It is however none the less necessarjr
to take every possible precaution in that quarter, and to send
picked and perfectly safe men there. As for the rest, any enter-
prise of his against France will be that of a bandit ; as such he
will have to be dealt with, and all measures permissible against
brigands ought to be employed against him.

It seems to me much more probable ^ that he intends oper-
ating in the north of Italy. The Duke of Wellington tells me
that there are two thousand English and three thousand
Italians in Genoa who fought in Spain ^ and then entered the
King of Sardinia's service ; he has no doubt but that these
troops who fought in Spain, and who, he says are admirable, will
do their duty.

The King of Sardinia is at Genoa just now, and must have
his guard there. There are also three English frigates in the
harbour. If therefore Buonaparte made an attempt on Genoa
with his twelve hundred men it would fail. The only fear is
that he may cross the mountains towards Parma and Lombardy,
' where his presence would be the signal for a long planned revo-
lution, which the shameful behaviour of the Austrians and the
false policy of their cabinet has only too greatly favoured, and
which, supported by the troops of Murat with whom no doubt
Buonaparte is in accord, would set the whole of Italy in a blaze.
The Prince of Schwartzenberg and M. de Metternich have both
told me that if Buonaparte was to reach the north of Italy it
would embarrass them terribly, as they are by no means yet
prepared. Express messengers were sent last night to all the
troops destined for Italy, to hasten their departure ; but what-
ever despatch these forces may use it will be quite a month or
more ere they reach their destination, and many events may
happen in a month.

It appears that the Prince de Schwartzenberg will himself be
ordered to Italy. In any case your Majesty will assuredly con-
sider it necessaiy to concentrate suiScient troops in the south, ta
act according to circumstances.

The results of this occurrence cannot yet be foreseen, but
they may prove fortunate if they can only be turned to good
account. I will do all that in me lies to prevent any delay here
and to make the congress come to some resolution which will
reduce Buonaparte from the rank which, through some unaccount-

^ Var. : "vraisemblable"^; "probable."'
^ Suppressed in the text of the archives.

F 2

68 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

able weakness he was allowed to retain, and thus place him
beyond the possibility of preparing fresh disasters for Europe.

There has been some deliberation as to the method of making
the King of Saxony acquainted with the cessions which the
powers have decided he must make to Prussia and to which his
consent is necessary. It has been decided to prepare an extract
from the general protocol containing these and embody it
in a private protocol, which, out of greater consideration, will
be delivered to the King by the Duke of Wellington, the Prince
de Metternich, and myself. For this purpose we shall all three
go to Presburg the day after to-morrow.

Refusal on the part of the King of Saxony would not only
be futile as regards himself, but very vexatious for every one,
especially at present, when it is most important to unite all views
and opinions against the enterprises of the man from Elba. We
will do all we can to induce the King of Saxony to submit with
a good grace to the exigencies of circumstances.

The affairs of Switzerland are at length concluded. The
Russians, compelled to give up the idea of excluding the canton
of Berne from the number of directorial cantons, demanded that
it should at least be required to modify its constitution by the
introduction of a representative party. All the powers agreed to
this request, which is in accordance with the spirit of the times,
and France could not well refuse it.

The letters of M. de Wattevillei and M. Miilinen^ show that
this demand is not of a nature to raise serious difficulties in
Berne. This also is the opinion of M. de Zerleeder.
I have the honour to be

No. 25. — King Louis XVIII. to the Prince de
Talleyrand.

Paris, March 7 1815.

MON Cousin,

I have received your letter number 30. I believe
that M. de Metternich's declaration, with which under other
circumstances I should not be very well satisfied, is explained by

1 Nicholas- Rodolphe de Watteville, a Swiss statesman, born in 1760, member of
the Grand Council of 1796, member of the Swiss deputation that went to Paris in
1802, was landamann in 1S04, 181 1, and 1S15. He died in 1S32.

2 Frederic de Miilinen, born in 1760, was a member of the Grand Council before
the Revolution. In 1802 he was one of the leaders of the insuiTectionary movements
and came to Paris as member of the deputation : again entered the Grand Council
and was made avoycr. Later on he became President of the Confederation, and died
in 1833.

THE CONGRESS OF VIENNA. 69

what I told you the other day and by the documents sent here-
with. The instructions will sufficiently acquaint you with my
ivishes, so that it is superfluous to add more here.

I had intended to-day to resume the subject of the convention
of the I ith of April last. Buonaparte has spared me the trouble.
Before receiving this despatch you will no doubt have heard of
his audacious attempt. I have at once taken all the measures I
considered best to make him repent it. I count with confidence
on their success. I this morning received the ambassadors, and
addressing them each in turn, I requested them to inform their
courts that they had seen me, and that I was not at all disquieted
by the news I had received, being fully persuaded that it will no
more upset the tranquillity of Europe than it has my own.

My gout has improved greatly since the other day.

Whereupon, my cousin, may God have you in His safe and
holy keeping.

Louis.

No. 26} — King Louis XVIII. to the Prince de
Talleyrand.

Paris, March 11, 18 15.

MoN Cousin,

I cannot write to you as to the position in which I now
find myself, but I send the Due de Rohan Montbazon,^ who will
give you all the information you desire. I hope he will be
useful to you with the Emperor of Austria.

My confidence in you leaves me no room to doubt that you
will under these circumstances do all that such important interests
as those which the Due de Rohan will communicate to you,
require.

Whereupon I pray God may have you, my cousin, in His
safe and holy keeping.

Louis.

No. 33. — Prince de Talleyrand to King Louis XVIII.

Vienna, March 12, 181 5.
Sire,

I have received the letter of the third of this month
with which your Majesty has deigned to honour me. I await
that which will contain the instructions relative to the affair

1 This letter is not found in M. Pallain's collection.

^ Charles-Alexis-Gabriel, Due de Rohan Montbazon, bom in 1764, emigrated in
1791, entered the Austrian service and became Field Marshal. He returned to
Fr»"'-ein 1814 and became a peer of France.

70 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLE YRAND.

with M. de Metternich, who has already asked me if I was not
yet in a position to deal with it. The mystery in which he
wished to envelop it, the step he has taken with your Majesty
unknown to me, and his wish to arrange it with me alone, all go
to prove that he knows as well as any one, the many objections
to which his scheme is open. In acquiescing in it your Majesty
will certainly be making a great sacrifice, and in my opinion
even one which cannot but be of consequence. I admit never-
theless it would not seem too great to me, if Austria in return
would honestly join us against Murat, and if M. de Metternich is
sincere in his offer.

On Wednesday evening, the Duke of Wellington, M. de
Metternich and I, went to Presburg, where we arrived at four
in the morning. At mid-day the King of Saxony received us
together. He took the protocol which M. de Metternich gave
him, and handed it unopened to his minister who was present,
saying that he would acquaint himself with its contents, and
then turning to us, addressed a few civil words but in a very
cold and distant manner. At one o'clock we had the honour of
dining with him and the Queen. In the evening he received us
separately, M. de Metternich at four o'clock, myself at five, and
the Duke of Wellington at six. Several times he expressed
sentiments of gratitude to your Majesty. Next day we all
three had a very long conference with his minister, Comte
d' Einsiedel, who does not understand French very well and speaks
it still worse. At these interviews we exhausted all the reasons
which should induce the king to consent to the reductions agreed
upon by the powers for the benefit of Prussia.

The king and his minister overwhelmed us with objections ;
they seemed to nourish the hope that all which had been settled
was still open to negotiation. This hope being again expressed
in a memorandum addressed to us by the king's minister on the
Saturday, we deemed it necessary to crush it by a positive
declaration contained in the reply which we sent him just as we
were leaving Presburg. I have the honour to send herewith
copies of these two documents.

The Prussians have demanded, that that part of Saxony
Avhich has been given to them, should at once pass from a military
occupation to a regular administration, and that the other part
should be provisionally held under military occupation. This
demand, which it would be difficult to refuse, will probably
•determine the King of Saxony to assent.

According to the information we have received, he wishes
to consent, but at the same time wants to appear to his people
to have yielded only to stern and overpowering necessity.

THE CONGRESS OF VIENNA. 71

We received intelligence at Presburg that Buonaparte, re-
pulsed by a cannonade at Antibes, which he had summoned to
surrender, had disembarked in the Bay of Juan.^ These are the
last news we have of him. It is thought that he cannot have
had any correspondence either with Marseilles or Toulon, since
he did not go there, nor with Antibes, where he was repulsed.
This intelligence is very reassuring. But the powers have none
the less thought over the best means of offering aid to your
Majesty, should it be needed. An order to concentrate and
hold themselves in readiness has been sent to the English,
Prussian, and Austrian troops, which are in the neighbourhood
of the Rhine. The Emperor of Russia has directed his army,
which had returned to the Vistula, to draw near the Oder and
the Elbe.

As long as we were ignorant of Buonaparte's destination,
or what he intended doing, no declaration against him could
be issued. We however took action as soon as we knew
this.

The document has been drawn up by the French legation,
and sent to the Duke of Wellington and the Prince de Metternich.
It will be read to-morrow in committee of the eight powers who
signed the treaty of Paris, where it will probably undergo some
alterations. When it has been agreed on, I shall have the
honour to transmit it to your Majesty by a courier, who will
leave a copy with the prefect of Strasburg, to whom I will send
orders to print and distribute it both in his own and the neigh-
bouring departments. I will do the same to Metz and Chalons.
I will also tell M. de Saint-Marsan to take the same steps to
promulgate it in Nice, Savoy, and Dauphine.

The Emperor of Russia, who on the whole proves generally
staunch in present circumstances, is despatching General Pozzo
with a letter to your Majesty, to whom he offers all his troops.
This is aid which it would be sad if France could not dispense
with, and yet it should not be positively refused. Your Majesty
will surely not feel obliged to accept it, except in an extreme
case, which I hope will not present itself.

Your Majesty has no doubt ordered troops into the south.
If I might venture to suggest a chief to place at their head, I
would mention Marshal Macdonald, a man of high honour,
whom one can trust completely as possessing the confidence of

^ Napoleon, who disembarked at three o'clock on the ist of March in the Gulf of
Juan, immediately sent a detachment of twenty-five men to secure the batteries on
the coast. The company arrived at Antibes, the Commandant, Colonel Cuneo-
d'Ornano allowed them to enter and then made prisoners of them, despite the ferment
among his own soldiers. This was the sum total of the affray at Antibes. Not a
single cannon was fired.

72 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLE YRAND.

the army, and because, having signed the treaty of April i ith for
Buonaparte, his example in marching against him would carry
great weight.

I have seen a list of the general officers named for the
command of the 30,000 men whom your Majesty has ordered to
assemble between Lyons and Chambery. Several of the names
are unknown to me, but there are some in whom I could have
no confidence, among others General Maurice-Matthieu,^ who is,
I believe, a devoted adherent of Joseph Buonaparte.

His presence in the Pays de Vaud cannot but be dangerous
at this moment. I will work to get him removed by the aid of
England and Russia, and also Austria, who has some influence in
the canton. 2 The Emperor of Russia (I must do him this justice)
has already, of his own accord, written to the new cantons in a
manner very satisfactory to us.' I have informed M. Auguste
de Talleyrand * of this, advising him to discuss it with Baron
Kriidener,^ the Russian diarge d'affaires.

This incident of Buonaparte's appearance in France, in other
respects so disagreeable, will at least have this advantage, that
it will hasten the conclusion of matters here. It has redoubled
the zeal and eagerness of every one. The deed committee will
begin its work in earnest. Thus the end of our sojourn here
may be shortened by several weeks.

I have the honour to be

^ Maurice Mathieu, Comte de la Redorte, was an officer of cavalry in 17S9. He
became General of Division in 1799, had command both in Germany and Italy and
passed thence into Spain, where he was made Governor of Barcelona and Chief Com-
mandant of Catalonia. He was made a peer of France in 1819. General Mathieu
had married Mademoiselle Clary and was therefore brother-in-law to King Joseph
and Bernadotte,

'■^ Joseph was at Prangins when he heard of his brother's disembarkation. He
quitted this chateau on the evening of the 19th, and passed the frontier during the
night. It was fortunate that he departed so quickly, for the next morning a Commis-
sary of the Federal Government arrived with a picket of soldiers, to take possession
of his person and conduct him to Bern. In acting thus, Switzerland acceded to the
pressure put on her by the foreign ministers, who were accredited to the Diet. —
(^Memoirs of King yoscph, Vol. X.)

^ Var.: " qui nous a convenu" = " which suited us.''

■* At that time French ambassador in Switzerland.

^ Alexis Constantine, Baron de Kriidener, born in 1774, a Russian statesman,
formerly secretary to the Embassy at Madrid and Warsaw, then Minister at Curland,
Ambassador at Vienna (17S4), at Copenhagen (1786), and at Berlin (iSoo). He died
in 1802. He had, in 1783, married Mademoiselle Wietinghoff, who as Baronne de
Kriidener, acquired a well-known celebrity.

THE CONGRESS OF -VIENNA. 73

No. 34. — The Prince de Talleyrand to King
Louis XVIII.

Vienna, March 13,^ 181 5.
Sire,

I have just come from the conference, where the declara-
tion, which I had the honour of mentioning to your Majesty in my
letter of yesterday, has been signed. It was drawn up this
morning in the conference of the five powers. This evening it
was submitted to that of the eight powers, who adopted it. I
hasten to forward it to your Majesty. I am also sending copies
to the prefects of Strasburg, Besangon, Lyons, Nancy, Metz, and
Chalons-sur-Marne, asking them to print and circulate it in their
respective departments and amongst the prefects of the neigh-
bouring ones. I feel assured your Majesty will deem it advisable
to order its publication in all parts of the kingdom. M. de
Saint-Marsan, to whom I have sent a copy, is forwarding it to
Geneva and Nice.

I think the strength of this document leaves nothing to be
desired, and I hope it will not fail to produce the required effect,
not only in France, but throughout Europe, where it will be
widely distributed.

One of Buonaparte's sisters (Pauline Borghes^), who crossed
over from the island of Elba to the continent of Italy, was
stopped at Lucca,^ and Jerome, who was at Trieste, will be
taken with Joseph to Gratz, as soon as the Canton de Vaud
has complied with the demand I have desired M. de Talley-
rand to make, jointly with the Austrian and Russian ministers.
Austrian and Russian officers bear the request to the Pays de
Vaud, and are instructed to conduct Joseph Buonaparte as far
as Gratz.

Orders have been issued to occupy the island of Elba in the
name of the allies.

Thus all tends towards the same end, with a unanimity and
concord between all the powers such as I do not believe has
ever before been witnessed.

I have made inquiries about the generals nominated to com-

1 Var. : March 14.

2 We have nowhere found this arrest of the Princess Pauline confirmed, which
would only have been a useless violation of personal rights. It is affirmed on the
contrary, that she passed the period of the Hundred Days at Naples and at Rome.
As for King Jerome, he certainly was at Trieste, together with the queen, when at
the moment of being carried off by the Austrian police, he was enabled to embark
secretly on board a Neapolitan frigate which had been sent him by Murat, and thus
gain France in safety,

74 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

mand the troops between Chambery and Lyons. Generak
S^mel^,! Dijeon,^ and above all General Marchand,^ are, I am
informed, worthy of all confidence. I have not met any one who
knows General Roussel d'Urbal.*

I have the honour to be.^ ....

Declaration.

The powers who signed the treaty of Paris, assembled in
congress at Vienna, being informed of Napoleon Buonaparte's
escape and his entry by force of arms into France, feel it due to
their own dignity and to the interests of social order, to make a
solemn declaration of the sentiments with which this event has
inspired them.

In thus breaking the agreement by which he was established
in the island of Elba, Buonaparte has destroyed the only safe-
guard attached to his existence. In reappearing in France with
designs of disorder and revolution, he has by his own act deprived
himself of the protection of the laws, and manifested to the world
that neither peace nor truce can be made with him.

The powers consequently declare that Napoleon Buonaparte
has placed himself beyond the pale of civil and social relations,
and that as the enemy and disturber of the world's peace, he has
delivered himself up to public justice. They likewise declare
that, firmly resolved to maintain intact the treaty of Paris of
May 30th, 1 8 14, and the provisions sanctioned by this treaty,
together with those which they have suspended, or will still
suspend with the view to complete and consolidate it, they will

1 The Baron de Semele was born in 1773, served as a volunteer in 1792, and
became General of Division in 181 1 ; he took ser\'ice during the Hundred Days, and
was on this account put on the non-effective list under the second restoration.

' The Vicomte Dijeon, bom in 1771, the son of a former general, became an
ensign in 1792. He was made General of Division in 1813. In 1815 he accom-
panied the Comte d'Artois to Lyons. He was made a peer of France under the
second restoration, and War Minister in 1823. He died in 1828.

' Jean Gabriel, Comte Marchand, born in 1765, was first a barrister, then enlisted ;
became a General in 1805 and took part in all the campaigns of the Empire. He
was in command at Grenoble in 1815, tried to resist Napoleon, but was forced to
retire. He was tried by court-martial in 1816, but acquitted. Nevertheless he was
exiled. He was created a peer of France by Louis Philippe and died in 1851.

'' Nicholas-Fran9ois Roussel d'Urbal, bom in 1763. Served at first in the
Austrian army and became Major-General in 1809. Admitted into the French
service in 1811, he became General of Division in 1812, and Inspector-General of
Cavalry in 1815. He died in 1849.

^ Var. : "P. S. — ~Je crois qtHaprh la declaration il doit y avoir un trait bien
marqite qui la separe du protocole h la Jin duqucl doivent itre toutes les signatures conime
files se trotivent dans la copie ci jointe" = " I think that after the declaration there
ought to be a very marked line, so as to separate it from the protocol, at the end of which
all the signatures ought to come, the same as they are in the copy sent herewith. "

THE CONGRESS OF VIENNA. 75

employ every means and unite all their efforts, in order that
universal peace, the object of Europe's prayers and the constant
aim of her labours, shall not again be disturbed, and to secure
her from all attempts which would threaten to again plunge the
nations into the disorders and miseries of revolution.

And although thoroughly convinced that the whole of France
by rallying round her legitimate sovereign, will completely
frustrate this last attempt on the part of an impotent and mad
criminal, all the sovereigns of Europe, animated by the same
sentiments and guided by the same principles, declare that if,
contrary to all expectation, any real danger whatsoever shall
result from this event, they will be ready to give to the King of
France and to the French nation, or to any other government that
is attacked, and, as soon as they have been requested to do so,
the assistance necessary to re-establish public tranquillity, and
will make common cause against all those who would attempt
to compromise it.

This present declaration, inserted in the protocol of the con-
gress assembled at Vienna at the sitting of March 13th, 18 15, will
be made public.

Signed and approved by the plenipotentiaries of the eight
powers who signed the treaty of Paris.

Vienna, March 13, 181 j.

(Here follow the signatures, in the alphabetical order of their
courts).

Austria. — Le Prince de Metternich, le Baron

DE WESSENBURG.

Spain (Espagne). — P. GoMEZ Labrador.

France. — Le Prince de Talleyrand, le Due de

Dalberg, La Tour-du-Pin, le Comte Alexis

DE Noailles.
Great Britain. — Wellington, Clancarty, Cath-

cart, Stewart.
Portugal. — Le Comte de Palmella, Saldanha,

LOBO.

Prussia.— Le Prince de Hardenberg, le Baron de

Humboldt.
Russia. — Le Comte de Rasoumowski, le Comte de

Stackelberg, le Comte de Nesselrode.
Sweden.— Lowenhielm.

76 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

No. 35. — The Prince de Talleyrand to King
Louis XVIII.

Vienna, March 4, 1S15.
Sire,

The courier whom I am sending off to-day, carries into
Switzerland to M. le Comte de Talleyrand, an order to take steps
in concert with the ministers of Austria and Russia, as I had the
honour of informing your Majesty yesterday, to remove Joseph
Buonaparte from the French frontiers. This messenger will be
much longer on the road than those who go direct to Paris, but
I did not wish to despatch him without sending a letter to
your Majesty, although I have nothing fresh to say, and the
courier who is bringing me the instructions your Majesty has
done me the honour to announce in your letter of the 2nd of this
month, has not yet arrived.

I trust those instructions will not, as M. de Metternich flatters
himself, be of such a nature as to put off indefinitel)- the
decision respecting the fate of Murat. We cannot and must
not believe any of M. de Metternich's promises on this head} Only
to-day I had a very emphatic explanation with him on this
matter. My opinion is that if Murat's affair is postponed, it is
lost to us, and thus the general opinion, which to-da\- is all in
our favour, will be destroyed.

I have procured, and will send to your Majesty in the next
letter I have the honour of writing to you, a document signed
by the powers, who, at the time it was drawn up, still called them-
selves allies. It will enable your Majesty to judge of the position
in which your ambassadors at the congress found themselves
on their arrival in Vienna, as regards those powers, and how very
different that position is to-day.

I send herewith one of the declarations which have been
printed in Vienna and distributed all over Germany.
I have the honour to be. . . .

No. 36. — Prince de Talleyrand to King Louis XVIII.

Vienna, March 15, 1815.

Sire,

My letter No. 35 will not reach your Majesty until
after that which I have the honour of writing to you t'^-day,
as the courier who takes it goes round by Zurich.

^ Suppressed in the text of the archives.

THE CONGRESS OF VIENNA. 77

Although Buonaparte has only a handful of men with him, I
have deemed it best to remove from him those in particular
who, not being French, and finding themselves far from their own
country, might for this double reason be more devoted to him.
I have therefore requested that all the Poles who had followed
him should be recalled by their government.

My proposal has been eagerly welcomed, and the order for
their return drawn up at once under my directions.

The courier whom I now send, will take it, as well as a copy
I have the honour of sending you. I entreat your Majesty to
have the goodness to give orders that the necessary routes may
be furnished to these troops. The Emperor of Russia and
Prince Czartoryski were very gracious in this little matter.

A Prussian courier who arrived here about twelve hours before
the one sent to me on the 8th brought the news, which is fully
confirmed in all my letters from Paris. This news, which quickly
became known, has excited general satisfaction here. Every
one applauds the wisdom of the steps your Majesty has taken.
Every one feels certain that Buonaparte cannot escape punish-
ment, and is rejoiced thereat.

M. de Jaucourt speaks of the good effect a declaration from
the congress would produce. He even speaks as if this came
from your Majesty. Your Majesty knows by this time that your
wishes on this point have been anticipated.

I sent by yesterday's courier the printed declaration for dis-
tribution on the Swiss frontiers ; I have the honour to transmit
to-day a few copies to your Majesty. The heading, Vienna, and
the type of the Austrian chancellor's printing oflSce, appeared to
me very satisfactory.

The principles of legitimacy which it was necessary to recover
from beneath the ruins under which they had been buried, as it
were, by the overthrow of so many old dynasties and the growth
of so many new ones, were at first coldly received by some and
utterly rejected by others, but now under our guidance, they are
at length better appreciated. Our 1 perseverance in defending
them was not in vain. This honour however is entirely due to
your Majesty, and the unanimity with which the powers have
pronounced against Buonaparte's fresh attempt, is a proof of it.

I have often had the honour of telling your Majesty that
the allies originally intended we should be mere specta-
tors at the congress, but I thought that there was only a
verbal understanding between them on this point, and never
imagined they had agreed to it in writing. The two pro-
tocols I have the honour of sending your Majesty, prove the

1 Text: = "our." Var. : "votre" = "your."

78 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

contrary, and also show how very little our actual position
resembles that which it was intended we should take. These
two protocols are copies of two originals which I have had in
my own hands. Certainly the difference between what they
desired on the 22nd of September and the declaration which
has just been issued by all the powers, is immense.

I shall have the honour to reply to your Majesty by one of
the next couriers, relative to the directions you have given me
respecting the arrangements in Italy. I only received them
this morning.

I have the honour to be. . . .

No. 37.— Prince de Talleyrand to King Louis XVIII.

Vienna, March 16, 1815.
Sire,

Finding I had to send another courier to Paris to-day
with the order of recall for the Poles who are with Buonaparte,
and which was inadvertently not enclosed in last night's
despatches, I take advantage of this to have the honour of
telling your Majesty how much I wish to be kept constantly
informed, and as exactly as possible, of everything that takes
place in France, also how very important this is.

However well disposed the sovereigns, and even the people
of Vienna may be, it would be a marvel if there were not some
evil-disposed individuals eager to proclaim alarming news, and
many credulous persons ready to welcome and spread it. It is
therefore important that your Majesty's legation should always
be in a position to contradict them.

The news of Buonaparte's entry into France caused a fall in
the funds here, but the declaration of the congress has made
them rise again. I hope it will produce the same effect in
France. Perhaps the news, received here this morning, will
affect them again.

The Regency of Geneva wrote to the Federal Government at
Zurich on the 8th, that it had that morning heard that a
regiment sent against Buonaparte, having joined him instead, he
had entered Grenoble at seven or eight in the evening and that
the whole town was illuminated. The Regency therefore asked
for assistance lest Geneva should be threatened by Buonaparte.
The King of Wiirtemberg had sent these tidings to the Emperor
Alexander ^ by express. I have endeavoured to combat this

^ *' Evei'y one near him spoke of it that morning,"

THE CONGRESS OF VIENNA. 79

report by some, at least, possible explanations ; but they do not
suffice to destroy an impression which, I believe, is entirely due
to the alarm of the Genevese.

I have the honour to be. . . .

No. 38. — Prince de Talleyrand to King Louis XVIII.

Vienna, March 17, 1815.
Sire,

I have the honour to send herewith a letter received
this morning from Murat's minister here. I forward the original,
so that there may be no delay in its transmission, and also
because I no longer need it here. The Due de Campo Chiaro
has made the same communication to the Duke of Wellington,
and also repeated it to the court of Vienna, to whose minister in
Naples it had already been made. This step, coupled with
the news which reached us here to-day, and the attitude of the
plenipotentiaries of the great powers, enables me to foresee that
if Buonaparte is making his way towards Paris, and if the
powers unite their forces on our frontiers, it will be almost
impossible, not only to get the congress to pronounce against
Murat in favour of Ferdinand IV., but even to get Austria, and
perhaps England, to take an actual and positive stand against
him. I therefore pray your Majesty to graciously give me your
final instructions on this point. We must think of ourselves
before thinking of others.

News has been received to-day by M. de Metternich by way
of Milan. It announced the defection of two regiments, Buona-
parte's entry into Grenoble, and his departure thence on the 8th,
for Lyons. It is added that the feeling in the provinces he has
traversed is very bad.

This news appeared sufficiently serious to cause a special'^
conference of the Austrian, English, Russian, Prussian, and
French legations to be summoned. The following questions
were submitted for deliberation :

I. What political ground will the powers take, supposing
that Buonaparte succeeds in re-establishing himself in Paris .''

II. What is the actual disposable military force .'

III. What are the means of preparation 1 ^

The political ground is already decided by the declaration of
the congress. This will be adhered to.

A military commission has been appointed to consider the
other two questions. It consists of : —

' Suppressed in the text of the archives.
2 Var. : "proposer" = "proposed."

So THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLE YRAND.

Schwartzenberg, Wellington, Volkonsky (Russian), Knese-
beck (Prussian).i

The commission will assemble this evening. The Emperor
of Russia wishes to be present. If by this evening I learn what
they have decided, I shall not wait till morning to send off a
fresh courier to your Majesty.

The Austrians having reason to suspect that M. Anatole de
Montesquiou's visit here, ostensibly to see his mother (.') ^ had
quite another object not without political significance, I have
requested him to return to Paris without delay.

I have grounds for believing that the Emperor of Austria will
take Buonaparte's son into his palace and under his charge, to
prevent his being carried off. It has been affirmed that such an
abduction was the object of M. Anatole's journey. We are led
to believe this from the tenor of his mother's language, reported
by the Austrian detectives placed over her.
I have the honour to be . ...

No. 39. — The Prince de Talleyrand to King
Louis XVIII.

Vienna, March, 19, 181 5.

Sire,

The Duke of Wellington is to-day sending a courier
to London, who will take Paris on his way, if possible. I take
advantage of it to inform your Majesty that at the military con-
ference held the evening before last, and at which the Emperor
of Russia was present, it was determined that Buonaparte, with
whom none of the powers would ever treat again, must be stopped
with prompt and strenuous measures. They have consequently
stayed the renewal of the treaty of Chaumont, of which I had
the honour to send your Majesty a copy. But it is solely against
Buonaparte that this will be directed, and not against France,
which, on the contrary, will accede to it. Sardinia, Bavaria, Wur-

■^ Charles-Frederic, Earon Knesebeck, born in 176S, went through the campaigns
of 1792 and 1794, and subsequently that of 1S06, with the Prussian army. Being an
implacable enemy to France he took service in Austria in 1809, received in 181 1 a
secret mission to Russia and took part as a General in the campaigns of 1S13 and 1814.
He became later Field Marshal General, and died in 1848.

- Anatole, Comte de iMontesquiou-Fezensac, born in 178S, enlisted in 1808, be-
came in 1S09 Orderly Officer to the Emperor, and Colonel in 1S14. During the
Hundred Days he went to Vienna to join his mother, who had accompanied the King
of Rome, being his governess. Suspected, not without reason, of a desire to carry
off the young prince, he received orders to withdraw. Being at first proscribed, at
the second restoration he was pardoned and became attached to the household of the
Due d'C>rleans. In 1S30 he was charged with various diplomatic missions and
became Brigadier-General, and subsequently peer of France. He died in 1S67.

THE CONGRESS OF VIENNA. 8i

temburg and Baden will also agree to it, as well as Holland and
Hanover.

The Ottoman Porte will not be asked to take part in the
war, but merely not to receive either French rebels or their
vessels.

Steps will also be taken as regards Switzerland. The
question is one quite outside that of neutrality, the man who
forces Europe to arm being nothing more than a brigand.

I have received a declaration from Austria relative to the
Valtelline, Bormio, and Chiavenna, which declaration expresses
that these places must enter into the arrangements for Italy and
serve her as compensation.^

I have the honour to be

THE DECLARATION SENT WITH THE PRECEDING

DESPATCH.

Vienna, March i8, iSij.

The undersigned has been commanded to make known to
his highness, the Prince de Talleyrand, that their Majesties, the
Emperor of all the Russias, the King of Great Britain, and the
King of Prussia, have agreed with his Imperial and Royal
Apostolic Majesty, that the valleys of the Valtelline, Chiavenna,
and Bormio, which up to this date formed part of the kingdom
of Italy, shall, under the denomination of the department of the
Adda, be united to the Italian states of his Imperial and Royal
Majesty. As these states, however, have been placed, by special
negotiations between the courts of Vienna and the Tuileries,
among the territories which might serve for exchange or com-
pensation, in arranging the affairs of Italy, and particularly those
which concern the iuture establishment of her Majesty the
Infanta Marie Louise of Spain, and her son, the undersigned
is authorized to give on this subject the most positive declaration,
that the definite reunion of the said territories, which at this
moment has become a matter of necessity prescribed by the
most imperative circumstances, will not in any way derogate
from the previous arrangements, and that they will none the less
be given credit for, in estimating the lands which are to serve as
compensation for the establishment claimed by the Infanta
Marie Louise.

The undersigned begs his highness the Prince de Talleyrand
to accept the assurances of his high consideration.

METTERNICH.

1 The courier who left Paris on thp nth, has arrived without any difficulty.
VOL. III. f G

82 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

No. 40. — Prince de Talleyrand to King Louis XVIII.

Vienna, March 19, 181 5.

Sire,

No news whatever has reached us to-day. It is now six
o'clock in the evening, when I have the honour of writing to
your Majesty.

The affairs of Switzerland were concluded this morning.
The deputation which was in Vienna, is to bear the declaration
agreed upon and signed by all the powers. I am sending a
copy to M. de Talleyrand.^ The Swiss plenipotentiaries do not
think it will completely satisfy one party, or greatly dissatisfy
the other, thus the stipulations it contains, will, they believe, be
generally adopted.

The first news received by us, will decide the day of Lord
Wellington's departure. His courier ought to arrive on the
2 1st or 22nd, he will then decide what to do.

Here the feeling is e.\;cellent. Buonaparte alone is in every
one's mind. All the documents will be in accordance therewith.
I have the honour to be. . . .

No. 41. — Prince de Talleyrand to King Louis XVIII.

Vienna, March 19, 1S15 {evening).

Sire,

I have the honour to forward to your Majesty a letter I
have just received from the Russian minister. It seems to me
to leave nothing more to be desired on the subject of which it
-treats. The sentiments expressed therein are very good, and
quite in accordance with the language held by the emperor
under these circumstances. Everything that depends on him is
done in the very best spirit.

It is proposed to have three armies in the field and two in
reserve.

One, operating from the sea to the Main, will be composed of
English, Dutch, Hanoverians, contingents from the north, and
Prussians. They will all be under the orders of the Duke of
Wellington.

The second will have its line of operations from the Main to
the Mediterranean, and will be commanded by Prince Schwart-
zenberg. This army will be composed of Austrians, Pied-
montese, Swiss and contingents from southern Germany.

The army of Italy has no commander as yet.

■' M. Auguste de Talleyrand, Minister in Switzerland.

THE CONGRESS OF VIENNA. 83

Of the two armies of reserve, one will be called the reserve
army of the north, and commanded by Marshal Bliicher.
General Barclay de Tolly ^ will command the other, which will
be the reserve army of the south.

All this has only been proposed, but seems to meet with the
approval of Austria and England. We expect immediately to
hear something as to the strength of each of these armies.
I have the honour to be. . . .

No. 42. — Prince de Talleyrand to King Louis XVIII,

Vienna, March 20, 1 81 5.

Sire,

The Emperor Francis has just ordered Madame de
Montesquiou to send him the child she has charge of Her
language in the present state of affairs is so opposed to the
resolutions expressed by Austria and the other powers, that the
emperor did not wish her to be any longer near his grandson.
To-morrow she will receive orders to return to France. The
child will stay at the palace in Vienna. Thus he cannot be
carried off, which several circumstances seemed to render
probable.

I have the honour to be

No. 43. — Prince de Talleyrand to King Louis XVIII.

Vienna, March 23, 1815.

Sire,

M. le Due de Rohan-Montbazon arrived here the night
before last, and gave me your Majesty's letter which he had
brought. All measures had been taken several days ^ before his
arrival, and he saw the printed notice of the declaration of 14th ^
of this month near the Rhine. It ought to-day to be known all
over France. I trust that its effect may be to destroy the confi-
dence of the evil-disposed, and restore that of loyal men.

The troops which Austria, Russia, England, Prussia, Holland,
the German States, and Sardinia will place in the field, will,
including the garrisons, form a total of seven hundred thousand
men, ready to act whenever required. The Prussians have
already eighty thousand men on the Rhine ; the English, Dutch,

''■ Michel, Prince Barclay de Tolly, Russian Field Marshal, bom in 1755, of a
Scotch family, settled in Livonia, became War Minister in 1810, and commanded the
main body of the Russian army in 1812. He died in 1818.

^ Suppressed in the text of the archives.

3 Var. :"of 13th."

G 2

84 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

and Hanoverians a similar number, and two hundred and fiftj-
thousand Russians will arrive there by the end of April with
590 pieces of cannon. I believe that, instead of three, there
will be four armies in the field ; one of them will be under the
command of General Blticher.

The powers themselves earnestly hope that no part of this
force may be required, and that France will be able to do
without their aid. But they only wait your Majesty's request
to give it.

The papers received to-day from Paris, and which are up to
the 14th inclusive, allow me to hope that your Majesty will not
be obliged to quit Paris. If on the contrary this is found abso-
lutely necessary,' it is thought here, that it would be desirable for
your Majesty to withdraw to some place in the north of which
you are quite sure, followed by both Chambers, and that part of
the army which has remained faithful, increased by a portion of
the National Guard. It being most important to avoid as much
as possible even the semblance of your Majesty's being isolated,
or that your cause and that of the nation is separate, when in
reality it is one and the same.

Lord Wellington would like even now to be in Belgium with
the troops under his command, so as to be prepared for any
emergency. This makes him quite ready to hurry on the affairs
here that have still to be concluded.

There have been some difficulties respecting the departure
of Madame de Montesquiou, and to-day they talk of sending
her to Lintz.

Your Majesty will, no doubt, be grieved to hear that
Madame de Brionne died last night. She was eighty j'ears ^
of age.

I have the honour to be

No. 44. — Prince de Talleyrand to King Louis XVIII.

Vienna, March 23, 1815 (evening).

Sire,

This letter is carried to your Majesty by a Prussian
courier, who starts to-day.

I have just heard of a letter written by Buonaparte with his
own hand to- Marie Louise. It is dated the nth from Lyons,
and announces that he will be in Paris about the 21st. This
letter, which has been forwarded by General Songeon,^ who has

' Var. . " eighty-one years. "

- Var. : "a Tarchidnchesse " = " to the archduchess."

^" Jean-Marie-Songeon, born in ijji, enlisted in 1793, made General of P.rigade
in 1813. He retired in 1816, and died in 1824.

THE CONGRESS OF VIENNA. 85

been false to your Majesty, was brought by an officer of the 7th
Hussars named Nyon, to M. de Bubna,^ who sent it on here. It
is written with a double motive : the first to make his army and
his partisans believe he is on friendly terms with Austria ; the
second to persuade Austria that he has an enormous number of
adherents in France. Added to this letter were a whole host of
dreadful proclamations. He speaks of a previous letter, which,
however, has not come to hand.^

At Lyons his force consisted of the 14th Hussars, and the
23rd, 24th, 5th, 7th, and nth Regiments of the Line. None of
these regiments were over a thousand strong. These, added to
those he had already, gives him a force of about nine or ten
thousand men. (I ^ am speaking of the date up to the nth.)

It was stated that he was going towards Charolais, where the
feeling generally is not supposed to be very favourable. He was
still at Lyons on the 1 3th.

Here the good understanding is perfect ; on this your Majesty
may rely. I can answer for it.

In order to hasten matters, the Emperor of Russia has pro-
posed drawing up, in a special treaty between Russia, England,
and Prussia, the stipulations relative to Poland. This was agreed
to at the conference this morning. This special agreement will
appear in the general treaty.

The Prince of the Netherlands takes the title of King of the
Netherlands. The notification of this will be made to-morrow
and signed the same day.

We are about to take in hand the affairs of Italy, in which
we have gained ground greatly as far as Murat is concerned.

I have succeeded in getting M. de Schraut (the Austrian
minister in Switzerland, who has used most unparliamentary
language) recalled. It appears that his bad temper is owing to
ill-health.

I am sending M. de Latour du Pin to France, as just now
I have no use for him here. My object is to place him near
Marshal Massena, to encourage the marshal to take possession
for your Majesty of all the places momentarily occupied by
Buonaparte, and to tell him, without startling him too much, of
the dispositions arranged by the powers, and to offer him what-
ever outside help your Majesty may consider needful. No steps

^ Ferdinand, Comte de Bubna-Littiz, an Austrian Field Marshal then command-
ing at Turin. He had been, in 1805, President of the Aulic Council,^ and in 1813
Ambassador at Paris. In 1821 he became Governor of Italy, and died in 1825.

^ Napoleon had written a previous letter to the Empress Marie Louise, dated
Grenoble, March 8.

' Var. : " il park" = "bespeaks."

86 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

will be taken in this direction, except on I'eceipt of a formal
written order, signed by yourself.

I have the honour to be

No. V.i— The Comte de Blacas d'Aulps to Prince de
Talleyrand.

Bruges, March 24, 181 5.

{At 2 a.m., just as his Majesty is leaving for Ostend.) ^

Prince,

The king was obliged to quit Lille yesterday at three
in the afternoon. Marshal Mortier still held the garrison, though
it had already declared for Buonaparte ; but his presence per-
mitted his Majesty to quit the town, if not without danger, at
least without any accident, and the king reached Men in, accom-
panied by an escort and followed by a picket of Chasseurs, man}-
of whom did not wish to abandon him. The National Guard
of Lille, which, like that of Paris and all other towns in France,
is thoroughly loyal, accompanied his Majesty up to the gates of
Menin, where they found some English troops, who probably
will not delay in crossing the frontier. The entire population of
France will join those troops who are coming to re-establish
legitimate authority ; the opinion of the inhabitants is sti-ongly
pronounced in this respect, but the whole of France is domineered
over by a rebel soldiery, and twenty-six millions of people are
now enthralled by forty thousand troops.

The king slept the night at Bruges ; he hopes to reach Ostend
this evening ; there he will await news of his household, who
were to proceed to Dunkirk. His Majesty will join them there
as soon as he hears that they have all arrived. It was not
thought safe to go from Lille to Dunkirk either b}' Cassel or
St. Omer, and I have already informed you that the king could
no longer remain at Lille without exposing himself to great
danger.

We do not know what has become of ]\Ionsian\ he, as well
as the Due de Berry, were to remain with his Majestj-'s house-
hold, but we have reason to believe that the}' have embarked
at Dieppe, with the intention, no doubt, of going to the south,
where M. le Due d'Angouleme is already, or to the western

^ This letter does not appear in M. Pallain's collection.

- Louis XVIII. left the Tuileries on March 19, at eleven at night. He airived
at Abbeville on the 20th, and there stayed the night and the following da)'. On the
evening of the 21st he departed for Lille, where he arrived next day at noon. On
the 23rd he left that town and reached Belgium. He passed through Bruges and
arrived at Ostend on March 24. Thence he went back to Ghent and remained there.

THE CONGRESS OF VIENNA. 87

provinces, which are now stirring, and are under the orders of
M. le Due de Bourbon.i

As soon as the king comes to any definite decision I will
at once inform you of it, and will keep you acquainted with
everything it is important that you should know. While at
Lille, the king received the letter you sent him by General
Ricard, also the Declaration of the Powers united in Congress
at Vienna, which gratified his Majesty extremely. He expects
the happiest results from the measures announced therein.

I will write to you from Ostend ; I have only time now to
renew to you the assurance of my inviolable attachment and
high consideration.

Blacas D'Aulps.

P.S. — I could not post this letter till we reached Ostend,
where we have found the Comte de Jaucourt, who will write to
you more fully as to our position here.

No. 27. — King Louis XVIII. to the Prince de
Talleyrand.2

Ostend, March 26, 181 5.
MoN Cousin,

I take advantage of an English courier who will pro-
bably arrive at Vienna before the letters written to you by the
Comte de Blacas, and the Comte de Jaucourt. The total de-
fection of the troops left me no choice as to what I must do.
They say that my life is necessary to France. I therefore

1 On the first news of the landing of Napoleon, all the princes of the royal
family had been appointed to military commands. The Comte d'Artois arrived at
Lyons on March 8th, but the defection of the troops on the approach of Napoleon,
compelled him to leave on the loth. He returned to Paris and left it again on the
19th, at the head of the king's household troops. He arrived on the 25th at Ypres
in Belgium and went to rejoin the king at Ghent.

The Due de Berry remained with the king, and eventually received the com-
mand of the forces they endeavoured to assemble between Melun and Paris. He
followed his father into retirement.

The Due d'Angouleme was at Bordeaux when Napoleon disembarked. Armed
•with full powers he organized and maintained the royal prestige in the south, and
assembled his forces at Nimes and Marseilles. But he was surrounded at Montelinart
and forced to surrender to General Grouchy (April 8). He was put on board ship at
Cette and reached Spain. During this time the duchess remained at Bordeaux where
after vain efforts in the royal cause, she was compelled to embark on April 2. She
rejoined the king at Ghent.

As for the Due de Bourbon, he was appointed Governor of the Western Depart-
ments, hastened to Nantes and endeavoured to instigate a general rising in Vendee ;
tut seeing no chance of success, he fled into Spain.

^ This letter, according to M. Pallain, is wanting in the manuscript at the Foreign
Office.

88 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

deemed that its security might be risked if I waited some
hours longer at Lille. Buonaparte has now all the armed force,
but all the hearts belong to me ; of this I have had ample proof,
all along my route. The powers cannot therefore be in any
doubt this year as to the desires of France : there you have the
text, I rely on you to enlarge upon it. I cannot too highly
praise Marshal Macdonald and Marshal Mortier. The former
behaved just in the same way as he did at Lyons, the latter,
although he had received a telegraphic message to arrest me,
insured my departure from Lille and my route as far as Menin.
Whereupon I pray that God may have you, my cousin, in His safe
and holy keeping. LouiS.

No. 45. — The Prince de Talleyrand to King
Louis XVIII.

Vienna, March 26, 1815.

Sire,

The Emperor Alexander having sent last night to say
that he wished to see me, I went to him this morning at eleven
o'clock. He has never been so pleasant to me since I have been
in Vienna. We must, he said, avoid all recrimination, not go
back to the past} but occupy ourselves in a straightforward and
profitable manner with the present state of things, and not
endeavour to seek causes, but to remedy them. He spoke
frequently and enthusiastically of his attachment to your
Majesty. He will give up if necessary his last man and his last
coin for you, he even used the language of a valiant soldier who
fears not to risk his limbs or his life, he would sooner sacrifice it,
than abandon a cause to which he considers his honour is pledged.
I on my side showed him the greatest confidence, and continue to
do so through those who come more closely in contact with him,
and with whom I am intimate. If the aid of a foreign power
becomes a necessity, it is better for us that he, whose ambition
cannot affect France, should play the principal part.

More than once he repeated to me " Tell the king that this
is not the time for mercy, he has to defend the interests of
Europe." He several times praised your Majesty for having
decided not to quit Paris.

The forces ready for action, and of which he had a statement,
amount to eight hundred and sixty thousand men.

The treaty of Chaumont, the conditions of which have been
renewed, alone gives six hundred thousand men without counting

' Suppressed in the text of the archives.

THE CONGRESS OF VIENNA. 89

the army of Italy, which will consist of one hundred and fifty
thousand, and the Russian and Prussian reserves.

The Prussians have already seventy thousand infantry, seven
thousand cavalry, and five thousand artillery on the Rhine.
They are sending in addition, one hundred and fifty-nine thou-
sand infantry, nineteen thousand cavalry, and six thousand
artillery.

The Russians are beginning to persuade themselves that they
cannot have entire confidence in Austria as long as she is not
compromised as regards Murat. I have found the emperor very
well disposed on this point.

We meet this evening to sign the treaty of co-operation. I
yesterday suggested the insertion of the following article ;

"The sole object of the present treaty being to support
France or any other country against the attempts of Buonaparte
and his adherents, his most Christian Majesty will be specially
invited to agree to it, and to make known in case he should
require the aid of the forces mentioned in Article .... what
assistance circumstances will allow him to devote to the object
of the present treaty."

Although this article has not been definitely adopted, I have
every reason to believe that it will be.

I have the honour to be ... .

No. 46. — The Prince de Talleyrand to King
Louis XVIII.

Vienna, Af.^rf/% 29, 1815.

Sire,

There is no need for me to express to your Majesty the
feelings with which I heard of the disastrous events which have
succeeded each other with such incredible rapidity. You will
judge of this from my attachment to your person, which is as
well known to your Majesty as my zeal and my devotion. All
the powers I possess will always be consecrated to your service.
I say so now and I will not again repeat it to your Majesty.

The treaty of co-operation was signed on the evening of the
2Sth,^ and was officially communicated to me on the 27th. I
have the honour to send your Majesty herewith a copy of this
treaty and of the memorandum transmitted to me at the same
time by the plenipotentiaries, and my reply thereto.

This important matter finished, the Duke of Wellington did

1 Treaty of the Quadruple Alliance, between Great Britain, Austria, Prussia, and
Russia, to which France agreed by an official note from M. de Talleyrand of March 27.

90 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

not wish to delay any longer in joining his army, he therefore
left Vienna at six o'clock this morning.

We are redoubling our efforts to get the affairs finished which
the congress has still to arrange ; I think it will end in April. I
consider it is more than ever necessary that it should close
with a solemn act, for such an act will prove to all the world
that the powers are in accord and absolutely determined to
maintain that order of things which Buonaparte's attempt tends
to destroy.

As your Majesty might find it inconvenient just now to
defray from the French chancellor's office the expenses of your
embassy at the congress and also those of the couriers and
persons sent to obtain information, I have made arrangements
with England to see to this. Your Majesty therefore need not
give yourself any further concern in the matter.

I am most anxious to hear from your Majesty and to learn
that you have arrived at the place where you have decided to
stay. I trust your Majesty has carried away with you all the
letters I had the honour of writing to you, and that your Majesty
has directed M. de Jaucourt to take away with him everything
that relates to the congress. There are many things in my
letters which would certainly be displeasing to the powers, who
now are willing to be friendly, but whose attitude- six months
ago may often have been severely censured.

I keep here with me two reliable couriers for communication
between this place and wherever your Majesty may have to
remain. They will never enter France except across such
frontier as your Majesty may consider safe.
I have the honour to be. . . .

Treaty of the 25TH March, 1815, mentioned in the
PRECEDING Despatch dated 29TH March.

In the name of the Holy and Indivisible Trinity, his Majesty
the Emperor of Austria, King of Hungary and Bohemia, and
his Majesty the King of the United Kingdom of Great Britain
and Ireland, having taken into consideration the consequences
which the invasion of France by Napoleon Buonaparte and the
actual position of that kingdom may have on the security of
Europe, have by common consent, together with his Majesty the
Emperor of all the Russias, and his Majesty the King of Prussia,
resolved to apply to this important circumstance the principles
laid down by the treaty of Chaumont. In consequence of which

THE CONGRESS OF VIENNA. 91

they have agreed to renew by a solemn treaty, signed separately
by each of these four powers with each of the other three, the
undertaking to preserve, against all attempts to the contrary, the
order of affairs so happily re-established in Europe, and to decide
upon the most efficacious means of carrying this undertaking
into effect and of giving it all the possible latitude so imperiously
demanded by present circumstances. With this view his Majesty
the Emperor of Austria, King of Hungary and Bohemia, has for
the purpose of discussing, concluding, and signing the conditions
of the present treaty with his Majesty the King of the United
Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, named the Sieur. . . . and
his Britannic Majesty having on his side named the Sieur. . . .
the said plenipotentiaries after having exchanged their full
powers and found them in proper and due form, have drawn up
the following articles :

Art. I. — The high contracting parties above named solemnly
engage to combine in making every effort within their respective
states, to maintain in all their integrity, the conditions of the
treaty of peace concluded in Paris, May 30th, 1814, as. well as
the stipulations drawn up and signed at the Congress of Vienna,
with the object of completing the arrangements of that treaty,
and guarding them against all attacks, and particularly against
the designs of Napoleon Buonaparte. For this purpose they
engage themselves, if required, to direct together and with mutual
consent in the spirit of the declaration of the 13th of March
last, all their efforts against him and against all those who have
joined his faction or may do so later, in order to compel him to
desist from his projects and place him beyond the possibility of
disturbing for the future, the tranquillity and general peace under
the protection of which, the rights, the liberty and the independ-
ence of the nations have just been established and assured.

Art. 11. — Although it is impossible to estimate the measures
necessary to attain so great and beneficent a result, and although
the high contracting parties are determined to devote to it all
those which according to their respective positions they can
command, they are nevertheless agreed to keep permanently in
the field a total of one hundred and fifty thousand men each, at
least one-tenth of which shall be cavalry and a proper proportion
of artillery, without reckoning the garrisons, and to employ these
actively and jointly against the common enemy.

Art. III. — The high contracting parties reciprocally under-
take not to lay down arms except by common consent and until
the object of the war named in the first article of the present
treaty has been attained, and so long as Buonaparte shall not
have been placed absolutely beyond the possibility of raising

92 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRANU.

fresh disturbances and renewing his attempts to seize the supreme
power in France.

Art. IV. — This treaty being solely applicable to present cir-
cumstances, the stipulations of the treaty of Chaumont, and
particularly those contained in Article XVI., will again come
into full force as soon as the actual end has been attained.

Art. V. — All that which relates to the command of the allied

armies, their maintenance will be regulated by a special

convention.

Art. VI. — The high contracting parties will have the power
respectively, of accrediting to the generals in command of the
troops, certain officers who will be at liberty to correspond with
their governments, and keep them informed of military events
and everything relating to the operations of the armies.

Art. VII. — The engagements entered into by the present
treaty having for their aim the maintenance of universal peace,
the high contracting parties have resolved between them to ask
all the other powers of Europe to agree to them.

Art. VIII. — The present treaty having been solely entered
into for the purpose of supporting France or any other country
that may be invaded, against the attempts of Buonaparte and
his adherents, his most Christian Majesty will be specially asked
to give his consent thereto, and to make known, in case he should
require the forces named in Article II., what assistance circum-
stances will permit him to bring forward towards the object of
the present treaty.

Art. IX. — The present treaty shall be ratified, and the ratifi-
cations thereof shall be exchanged in two months, or sooner if
necessary.

In witness whereof the respective plenipotentiaries have
hereunto signed their names and set their seals.

Executed at Vienna, March 25, in the year of our Lord, 1S15.

The Prince de Metternich.
The Baron de Wessenberg.
The Duke of Wellington.

On the same day the same treaty was concluded between
Russia and Great Britain, and likewise between Great Britain and
Prussia.

THE CONGRESS OF VIENNA. 93

No. 47. — The Prince de Talleyrand to King
Louis XVIII.

Vienna, March 30, 1815.

Sire,

General Pozzo is about to start and join your Majesty.
I do not wish him to leave without taking a letter to you. All
the powers are quite agreed on the destruction of Buonaparte ;
they look upon it as a matter of personal interest. The Emperor
of Russia is the most enthusiastic ; he is sending all his troops,
and considers that this question is one on which he is bound to
spend 1 his last coin. He will himself accompany them.

I trust the corps diplomatique has followed your Majesty. I
am extremely anxious to receive news from you.
I have the honour to be

No. 48. — The Prince de Talleyrand to King
Louis XVIII.

Vienna, ^/rzV 3, 1815.
Sire,

As Lord Clancarty is sending a courier to London who
will pass through Belgium, I take advantage of it to make known
to your Majesty the actual state ot affairs. Some days ago we
heard here that Murat ^ had entered the Papal States and that the
Pope had to quit Rome. This event has at last opened the eyes
of Austria and put an end to all her hesitation. We are now
therefore almost entirely in accord with regard to Italian affairs,
which will soon be arranged ; we shall then have only to combine
all the articles agreed upon, in order to draw up the act which
will terminate the congress ; for I strongly hold, and now more
than ever, that there must be an act.

There is no change in your Majesty's embassy here. The
same consideration is shown towards it, and it exercises the
same influence as if your Majesty was still in Paris and your

^ Var. : "son dernier homme et "=" his last man and."

^ Murat as soon as he heard of the landing of Napoleon, thought to profit by it,
and put himself at the head of a similar movement and proclaimed himself King of
Italy. He marched into Upper Italy, overran the Roman States and Tuscany, and
drove back the Austrians as far as the Po ; but he had soon to retreat, he was
defeated at Tolentius and driven back on Naples. He embarked for France, and
Queen Caroline vi'as conducted to Trieste vrith het two children (May 20). As for
Murat, after remaining some time in France, he passed over to Corsica, and there
assembled a small number of followers, with whom he attempted a landing in his
former states. He was captured almost immediately and shot at Pizzo (October 13,
1815).

94 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

authority was not ignored in any part of the kingdom. I can
give your Majesty the assurance that this position is fully
maintained.

I have not as yet received any news from your Majesty since
you quitted Paris. I await it with the greatest impatience. I
venture to say it is of the utmost importance that I should be
kept informed as to your movements and intentions.
I have the honour to be

P.S. — I much wish that your Majesty would acquaint me in
detail of those who followed you and those whom you await.
Only Christian names are necessary. Was the Archbishop of
Rheims able to follow your Majesty?^ I have heard nothing
from M. de Jaucourt. May I take the liberty of enclosing a
letter to him under cover to your Majesty .''

M. de Vincent arrived this morning ; the Austrian govern-
ment will probably receive a letter from Buonaparte or the Due
de Vicence ^ through Lefebvre,^ the secretary of the legation,
but this communication will receive no reply and will have no
effect.

My letter number 45, which has been returned to me, will
show your Majesty those that are missing.

No. 49. — The Prince de Talleyrand to King
Louis XVIII.

Vienna, April 8,^ 1S15.
Sire,

The events which have taken place in France have in no
way altered the position of your Majesty's embassy at the
congress, where the affairs concerning the future arrangements
of Europe continue to be discussed as heretofore. I have reason
to hope that what still remains to be decided will be carried
out in accordance with the wishes expressed to me by your
Majesty.

In several letters I had the honour of writing to your
Majesty and which perhaps have not reached you, I mentioned
that it seemed of the utmost importance to every one here, and
also to myself, that your Majesty should not quit French territory,
or, if that was unavoidable, that you should go no further away

' The Cardinal de Talleyrand- Perigord, the author's uncle.

The Due de Vicenre had just been made Minister of Foreign Affairs.
' M. Pallain writes "Lefeburo." He had been Secretary to the Embassy at
Paris.

' This letter is dated 5th April in the text of the archives.

THE CONGRESS OF VIENNA. 95

than was absolutely necessary. If I might venture to express
my opinion, which is also that of the plenipotentiaries of all the
powers, I should say that your sojourn in a town so near the
sea as Ostend cannot but greatly injure your cause in public
estimation, as it may lead people to think that your Majesty is
desirous of quitting the continent and placing the sea between
yourself and your country.

The place which under present circumstances would seem
most suitable for your Majesty (provided the state of affairs
permits), is the town of Liege, which the disposition of the troops
seems to render safe.

We are occupied here with the second declaration of the
congress, confirming the arrangements made by the powers in
that of March 13th. It will answer all the proclamations issued
by Buonaparte since he became master of Paris, and will, I feel
sure, produce a great effect wherever it is made known. It has
been specially written for the temper of the French people.

The only letter I have received from your Majesty since you
left Paris is that with which your Majesty deigned to honour me
dated March 26th. I have received none, either from M. de Blacas
nor from M. de Jaucourt, and I must inform your Majesty that this
neglect is extremely painful to me and very injurious to affairs
here.

I have the honour to be

P.S. I enclose herewith a letter sent by a courier which has
come back to me, as well as a letter which the same courier
carried to M. de Jaucourt.

No. 28. — King Louis XVIII. to the Prince
DE Talleyrand.

Ghent, April 10,^ 1815.

MoN Cousin,

I have received by Prince Victor de Rohan ^ your
letter No. 46. The expressions of your attachment are always
agreeable to me, and perhaps even more so at such a painful
moment, but I did not need them to count fully on them.

The treaty of March 25 th, the sequel and completion of the
declaration of the 1 3th, being solely directed against Buonaparte,

1 Var.: "9th April."

2 Victor, Prince de Rohan, bom in 1764, was Grand Chamberlain in 1789 ;
banished shortly afterwards, he entered the Austrian army and became Major-General
and Field Marshal. He returned to France in 1814 and quitted it again in 1830, and
died in Austria (1835).

96 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLE YRAND.

I do not hesitate to charge you to adhere to it in my name. If
you require a direction ad hoc you shall have it whenever you
wish, but meanwhile I authorize you to act as if you had already
received it.

The weight that I can throw into the scale is nineteen-
twentieths of the French nation, whose sentiments neither I nor
the powers need doubt. But this, powerful as it is, cannot be
utilized without foreign aid. It will therefore be necessary for
the allied armies to enter France, and that as soon as possible.
Every moment's delay lessens my power. The nature of fierce
enthusiasm is gradually to cool down, whereas delay, on the
contrary, gives to the enemy facilities for concentrating his
troops and the means, which he knows only too well how to
employ, of turning in his favour those who to-day only ask to
take up arms and fight for me.

The Duke of Wellington, whom I saw yesterday, and whose
dispositions I cannot praise sufficiently, has sent off a courier to
ask for permission to act without waiting till all the forces have
joined. I need not impress upon you to support this request
urgently. If we wait for the complete junction of the troops,
it will be impossible to do anything before the first of June. I
have no doubt as to our success, but Buonaparte will never be
crushed except beneath the ruins . of France, whereas speedy
action, by more surely destroying him, might preserve her, and
this should be the aim of every one, but especially ourselves.^

The Duke of Wellington tells me that the counter project
which I sent you on March 7th, has been adopted. I was very
pleased to hear this. I am also thoroughly satisfied with the
arrangements you have made about the chancellor's office, the

couriers It is a relief to my finances, which are very

low just now.

I have brought away with me all letters and documents you
have sent me since you were in Vienna,^ and have directed M. de
Jaucourt to do the same. Your courage has not been crushed, as
I felt sure it would not be, by these events. You see that mine
is not affected either.

Whereupon I pray God that He may have you, my cousin,
in His safe and holy keeping.

Louis.

^ "\^ar : " ce peut ne pas etre le but de tout le monde, mais ce doit etre le notre " =
' ' this may not be the aim of all the world, but it must be ours."

- This passage in the king's letter proves that Buonaparte would not have found
the treaty of January 3 in the escritoire in the Tuil'eries.

THE CONGRESS OF VIENNA. 97

No. VI.^ — The Comte de Blacas d'Aulps to the
Prince de Talleyrand.

Ghent, April 10, 1815.
Prince,

The despatches which you sent by Prince Victor de Rohan
reached us at Ghent ; you will have heard that the king went
thither on leaving Ostend, where his continued residence seemed
to him, to give colouring to the false reports of his embarkation.
No one can deplore more than myself the necessity which obliged
his Majesty to quit his country, but you will see by the very full
account I have the honour of sending you herewith,^ the im-
perative necessity with which he was forced to comply, and the
painful duties imposed on those faithful subjects who dreaded
everything for the king's honour, everything for the last resources
of the Monarchy, during those critical moments, when counsel
became so -difficult.

The king had several marshals with him, by whose advice
he was guided, respecting the troops, which in this sudden revolu-
tion, have become the sole arbiters of the destiny of France.
Never has pretorian power exercised a more fatal ascendency.
You would have been indignant at the irresistible violence
beneath which the national will and inclination have been
compelled to bow. It is fortunate that the European powers
desire to maintain peace, and prevent the calamities ready to fall
on themselves, for it is only on this interest and this assistance
that we can count, to deliver our unhappy country from the
extreme disorder into which France has been plunged.

M. le Due d'Angouleme alone seems to have been able to
rally some troops in the south. May God grant that treason
does not baffle our efforts ! It seems that those of Madame
were not able to preserve the town of Bordeaux.

You will no doubt think that under such circumstances you
cannot too urgently hasten the measures already determined
upon. It is above all most important to prevent the evil effects
which the king's sojourn out of France might produce, and the
powers, through their relations with his Majesty, can surround
him with such a force, as will alone supplement the supremacy
of which he has for the moment been deprived.

Lord Wellington, who arrived here yesterday, does not seem
to have the least doubt about our future success, nor the slight-
est uncertainty respecting the restorative character that must be

1 This letter is not in M. Pallain's collection.

2 See tMs account further on.

VOL. III. H

98 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

given to the war, but he does not wish to commence operations
until all his forces are assembled, and during this delay, France is
suffering, and resistance becomes discouraged. This painful
thought however must not weigh against the certain calcula-
tions which direct the aggressive preparations.

The treaty of March 25th is drawn up in the most satisfactory
manner, and we may hope everything from the effect which its
publication will produce in France.

The Paris journals have announced the approaching arrival
in France of the Archduchess Marie-Louise. It would be very
desirable to give the utmost publicity to any facts which contradict
this assertion. As for the rest, prince, we cannot do better than
rely on your zeal and your judgment. It is to you and to the
centre of the European confederation, of which you are a
member, that we must look for hopes of a happier future.

M. Pozzo de Borgo has reached Brussels, and will be here in
the course of to-day. I do not know how long the king will
remain here, his intentions in this respect depend upon the
measures taken by the Duke of Wellington. We are trying to
gather together the remams of the household troops ; they are
now assembled at Alost,^ to the number of four or five hundred
men.

Lord Harrowby and Mr. Wellesley Poole ^ have arrived on the
part of their government to arrange the preliminary measures
for the approaching campaign with Lord Wellington. They
saw the king on their way through Ghent, and his Majesty has
every reason to be satisfied with the dispositions they showed to
him. M. de Chateaubriand,^ and M. de Lally-Toliendal,-* and
M. crAngles,^ are here now ; the king, I believe, means to consult
them.

Accept, prince, the assurance of my most devoted attachment
and highest consideration.

Blacas d'Aulps.

^ Alost, a town in Belgium near Ghent.

' Sir William Wellesley Poole, an English statesman, bom in 1763, Master of the
Mint and member of the House of Commons.

3 Chateaubriand was about to be appointed Minister at Stockholm, when the
Hundred Days interfered. He followed the king to Ghent, and became a Minister
of State.

* M. de Lally-Tollendal, formerly member of the Constituent Assembly, was then
a Privy Councillor.

^ Comte Jules d'Angles, born in 177S, Auditor to the State Council, Master of
Appeal in 1809, Director of Police of the Departments beyond the Alpes, Police
Minister under the Provisional Government in 1814, State Councillor under the first
restoration. In March, 1815, he accompanied Comte d'Artoisas Civil Commissioner,
and then followed the king to Ghent. On the return of the king he became
Minister of State, then Prefet of Pohce under the Decaze Ministry. He tendered
his resirmation after the assassination of the Due de Berry, and died in 1828.

THE CONGRESS OF VIENNA.

P.S. — General Pozzo de Borgo has just arrived. General
FageP this morning presented his credentials to the king, as
minister of the King of the Belgians.

Narrative Attached to the Preceding Letter.

A catastrophe as baneful as it was unexpected, has just
struck Europe with amazement. A king surrounded by the
confidence and love of his people has been obliged to quit his
capital, and soon afterwards his kingdom, which has been invaded
by the man whose odious name recalls nothing but crimes and
calamities ; and France, from the state of profound peace and
progressive prosperity which she had regained, has in less than
three weeks, been replunged into an abyss of ills which she
believed had been closed for ever.

It is most important that it should be known by what
process of irresistible causes, treason has, under these circum-
stances, been enabled to enslave public opinion and the national
will.

On the 5th of March the king was apprised by telegraphic
despatch, that Buonaparte had disembarked on French territory
at the head of eleven hundred men. This attempt might be
looked at from two different points of view. It was either the
result of a plot supported by widely spread correspondence, or the
act of a madman, whose ambition and passionate character would
no longer suffer him to endure the inactivity, which only left him
a prey to the uneasiness of remorse. Under this twofold
supposition it was necessary to take every measure that
prudence could suggest or the most imminent danger demand.
Nothing was neglected. Orders were issued with all haste for
the assembly of the troops at Lyons. Satisfactory accounts
were received from the commandant at Grenoble, and the conduct
of the garrison at Antibes inspired the hope, that Buonaparte had
been mistaken in the belief that he would be able to gain over

1 Robert, Baron de Fagel, bom in 1772, of an ancient and illustrious Dutch
family. Entering the army young, he took part in the campaigns of 1793 and 1794
against France. Being exiled by the fall of the House of Orange, he did not return
to his country till 1813. In 18 14 General Fagel was appointed Minister at Paris.
iHe remained there until 1854.

H 2

loo THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

the king's troops. Nevertheless, if he had some secret corre-
spondents, they might favour his first progress, but a force
stationed at Lyons would be able to check this. Monsieur,
therefore, started at six in the morning, to assume the com-
mand ; he was followed the next day by M. le Due d'Orleans.

All the marshals and generals employed in the departments
received orders to rejoin their respective head-quarters, and
started at once. Marshal Ney, who was in command at
Besan^on, and could from thence very efficiently second
Monsieur' s operations, came to take leave of the king, and on
kissing hands, said to him, in a tone of devotion, and with an
^la?i that seemed the outcome of a soldier's frankness, that if he
came across the king's enemy and that of France, he would
bring him back in an iron cage. Events soon showed with what
base dissimulation a project of the blackest perfidy had even
then inspired him.

Monsieiir was enthusiastically received at Lyons ; everything
was prepared for the most vigorous resistance, but unfortunately
there were no munitions of war.

It was soon known that the garrison of Grenoble had
opened the gates of that town to the enemy, and that a regiment
from Chambery, under the command of M. de la Bedoyere ^ had
joined the rebels. Only a small number of troops had as yet
arrived at Lyons, but Monsieur, whom Marshal Macdonald
hastened to rejoin, nevertheless decided to make a stand behind
the barricades that had been hastily thrown up. But the
appearance of the first of the dragoons who preceded
Buonaparte, caused general disaffection amongst Mo7isienr's
troops. All the remonstrances of the Due de Tarente were
in vain ; and then, as ever since, the troops assembled to
oppose the torrent, only served to increase it and add to its
violence.

' Charles Huchet, Comte de la Bedoyere, born in 17S6, enrolled as a volunteer in
1S06, became Aide-de-Camp to Prince Eugene in 1S09, and Colonel in 1S14. In
1S15 he commanded the 7th Regiment of the Line at Grenoble. It was known that
he was one of the first to declare in favour of Napoleon and that he brought his regi-
ment to him at Vizille. He became General of Brigade and peer of France during
the Hundred Days. He was arrested on the 4th of August following, brought before
a court martial and shot (August 19th), ^^ ^~ <A <1_

THE CONGRESS OF VIENNA. loi

On the tenth we learnt by a telegraphic despatch, and there-
fore without any details, that Buonaparte had entered Lyons
that same day. The return of M. le Due d'Orleans, who arrived
in Paris on the twelfth, and also that of Monsieur, was speedily
followed by information which raised to the highest pitch, the
alarm which such a rapid succession of disasters could not fail to,
create.

But public opinion, excited by so many fears and suspicions,
seeks elsewhere for the cause of his lamentable success, than in
the fatal ascendency of a man so abhorred. No one be-
lieved it possible that the mere fascination of his presence could
have such an effect on the troops. Marshal the Due de Dalmatie,
the war minister, had been the last to uphold in France by force
of arms, the fallen fortunes of Napoleon. Some people seemed
to see in this former proof of devotion an indication of present
treachery. The public voice was raised against the marshal,
who then sent in his resignation and tendered his sword ^ to the
king. His Majesty with that reliance which has never failed
him amid the most terrible treachery, summoned the Due de
Feltre, to whom public opinion pointed for selection, and handed
him the portfolio of war minister, which post he had previously
held under Buonaparte, until the restoration. This action has
been fully justified by the Due de Feltre's ^ fidelity.

There was nothing further to be done, than to withdraw the
troops, which, when advancing towards the enemy, supplied him
almost everywhere with auxiliaries. It was decided to form an
army corps before Paris by assembling there as many of the
National Guard and volunteers as could be got together. The
Due de Berry was on the nth nominated general of this force,
and Marshal Macdonald was on his arrival appointed to the
command under the prince's orders.

But nevertheless the orders sent to hasten the organization of
the volunteers and the mobile columns of the National Guard,
could neither reach their destination nor be carried out for some
days, and every moment brought forth fresh dangers. Buona-

^ The marshal's resignation is dated i ith March. Some days after Napoleon
created him peer of France and Major-General.
^ The Due de Feltre followed the king to Ghent.

102 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

parte marched with a rapidity the enormous advantage of which
he foresaw, and several regiments, which were necessarily near
his route, joined him, some even taking possession in his name
of various towns in Burgundy. One of them preceded him into
Auxerre.

There was still some faint hope that the regiments of the
first military division, and those forming the garrison of Paris,
might remain loyal. An imminent danger, just averted by the
fidelity of the commandant of La Fere and the arrest of the
traitors d'Erlong and Lallemand, likewise gave some little con-
fidence as to the state of the departments in the north.^ The Due
de Reggio, though deserted by the Old Guard, has succeeded in
keeping the other regiments under his command faithful. It was
decided to form an army of reserve at Peronne, where the
troops, being together, would be less exposed to temptation and
would be under the supervision of the Due de Trevise, to whom
was given the command of this army corps. The Due d'Orleans
went there shortly afterwards.

It was at this time that the king, impressed by the greatness
of the danger, but equally sensible of the grave duties which
the painful circumstances attendant on his situation imposed
upon him, went to the representatives of the nation by whom
he desired to be surrounded at the first approach of danger.
His speech to the assembly of the two Chambers made a great
impression in the capital, the inhabitants of which unanimously
testified their sentiments of devotion to the king and the country ;
but the National Guard, composed chiefly of fathers of families,
could not furnish a sufficient number of volunteers to give any
hopes of successful resistance ; and the Comte de Dessoles ^ who

' On the news of Napoleon's landing, a military rising broke out in the North.
Generals Lallemand at Laon, Drouet-d'Erlon at Lille, and Lefebvre-Desnouettes at
Noyon, who for some time had prepared a coitp de viain^ wished to assemble their
troops, march upon Paris, and keep the king a prisoner there. Lefebvre-Desnouettes
gave the signal by endeavouring to carry off the depot of artillery at la Fere, but he
was prevented by the firmness of General d'Aboville (March 9). The conspirators
then took possession of Chauny, but having been thwarted at Compiegne, they dis-
persed and the movement failed. At the second restoration these three generals
were condemned to death in default.

^ Jean Dessoles, born in 1767, enlisted in 1792, became General of Division and
Chief of the Staff of the Army of Italy in 1798, and State Councillor in 1801. He
remain"^' a long time in retirement during the Empire, and then became Chie*""'' the

THE CONGRESS OF VIENNA. 103

commanded it, was so explicit on this point, that there was
nothing left but to amalgamate the citizens with the troops of
the line, in order to keep the latter faithful.

Every other plan of defence being impracticable, it became
apparent that the principal means of resistance was reduced to
some regiments, whose fidelity was more than doubtful, strength-
ened by a small number of brave and devoted volunteers, to
whom would be added the body of cavalry belonging to the
king's household.

On the 17th an overwhelming piece of intelligence ren-
dered these preparations still less hopeful. Marshal Ney, who
was supposed to be in pursuit of the rebels, had joined them ; at
the same time issuing a proclamation intended to spread the
disaffection still further. This news struck terror into the
departments adjoining Paris. The town of Sens declared itself
unable to resist ; the enemy would shortly be at Fontainebleau ;
and the troops in Paris, on whom every means had been exhausted
in order to excite their patriotism, either remained perfectly silent
or showed signs of a desire to abandon their colours.

Hardly had they started for the rendezvous assigned to them,
than their evil inclinations degenerated into open rebellion.
On the morning of the 19th it became known that there was
not a single regiment before Paris which was not overtaken
by this contagious defection ; thus there was nothing to prevent
Buonaparte's approach, and the only thing left for the king was
to withdraw, accompanied by his household troops, on whose
fidelity he could in future alone rely.

His Majesty, who had sent the Due de Bourbon to the depart-
ments of the west, and who had given the Due d'Angouleme the
necessary powers for arming the southern provinces, deemed it
best that he himself should go to the northern departments and
endeavour to keep possession of the strongholds and use them as
appoint d'appuiior the assembly of those faithful subjects who
might rally there. The king left at midnight on the 19th, and

Staff to Prince Eugene in 1812. In 1814 he was appointed by the Provisional Govern-
ment General Commandant of the National Guard. At the first restoration he be-
came a State Minister, peer of France, and Major General of the National Guard. In
1818 he was for some months President of the Council, and died in 1828.

I04 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

was followed an hour later by his household troops under
Monsieur, and by the Due de Berry.

Reaching Abbeville on the 20th at five in the afternoon,
the king rested there the next day to await the arrival of the
household troops ; but Marshal Macdonald, who joined his
Majesty at midnight on the 21st, pointed out to the king the
necessity of leaving at once ; and after hearing his report
his Majesty determined to retire to Lille, and sent orders
to the household troops to rejoin him there by way of
Amiens.

At one in the afternoon on the 22nd, the king, preceded by
the Due de Tarente, entered Lille, where he was received by the
inhabitants with the most enthusiastic demonstrations of affec-
tion and fidelity. He had also been preceded by the Due
d'Orleans and the Due de Trevise, who thought they ought to
call out the garrison. This last circumstance, of which the king
had not been advised, might greatly disconcert the plans of re-
sistance which had been decided on. If the troops had not been
called out, the national guards and the king's household troops,
seconded by the loyalty of the inhabitants of Lille, might have
secured to the king this last refuge on French territory. With
a large and ill-disposed garrison the scheme seemed very difficult
of execution ; his Majesty however determined to make the
attempt. The enthusiasm of the people had already been roused
to the highest pitch by his presence. An eager crowd followed him,
making every effort to enlist the sympathies of the soldiers, and
repeatedly shouting their cherished cry of " Vive le Roi I " The
soldiers, dejected and indifferent, maintained a gloomy silence—
an alarming warning of their approaching defection ; indeed.
Marshal Mortier frankly told the king that he would not answer
for the garrison.

When questioned as to the utmost expedients it might be
possible to employ, he declared further that it would be out of
his power to make the troops leave the town. In the meanwhile,
the declaration published at Vienna on March 13th, in the name
of all the European powers united in congress, arrived at Lille.
The king directed it to be distributed and placarded at once,
hoping, though in vain, thereby to show the troops the fatal

THE CONGRESS OF VIENNA. 105

results that would follow their defection, and the inevitable
misfortunes it would bring on their country.

On the 23rd his Majesty heard that the Due de Bassano,
who had been made minister of the interior, had sent orders
from Buonaparte to the prefet of Lille. On the same day, at
one o'clock in the afternoon, Marshal Mortier came to inform
the master of the king's household that a report having got
abroad that the Due de Berry was approaching with the house-
hold troops and two Swiss regiments, the whole garrison was
prepared to rise. He entreated that the king would leave, in
order to avoid the most terrible disasters, and added that he
hoped by personally escorting his Majesty beyond the gates of the
town, to keep a check on the soldiers, which it would be impos-
sible for him to do if the departure was delayed for a single
moment. The king therefore deemed it necessary to send
orders to his household troops to proceed to Dunkirk, which
order unfortunately never reached them ; but being unable
himself to go straight to that town, he decided to proceed to
Ostend. His Majesty left Lille at three o'clock, accompanied
by Marshal Mortier, and followed by the Due d'Orleans. At
the foot of the glacis, the Due de Trdvise deemed it advisable to
turn back to prevent any disturbance the garrison might commit
during his absence. The Due d'Orleans also returned to the
fortress, and did not depart till several hours later. Marshal
Macdonald did not leave the king till they reached the gates of
M^nin, and to the last moment afforded to his Majesty, as did
also the Due de Trevise, the comforting proof that the sacred-
ness of an oath and the fidelity of a man of honour are not
scorned by all the gallant men on whom the French army
prides itself.

A picket of the national guard of Lille, a detachment of
cuirassiers and the king's chasseurs, followed his Majesty as far
as the frontier. Some of the latter, together with several officers,
did not wish to leave him, and accompanied him into Belgian
territory. The king arrived at Ostend hoping to proceed to
Dunkirk as soon as that town was occupied by his household
troops. During this time, these unfortunate troops, who had
been joined by a large number of volunteers of all ages and

io6 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

ranks, had followed the route taken by the king on his way to
Lille. Monsieur and the Due de Berry, always at the head of
this brave elite and sharing its fatigue, had good cause to admire
its heroic constancy. Young lads, who for the first time carried
heavy arms, and old men, had joined these faithful troops, doing
forced marches on foot on roads rendered almost impassable by
heavy and continuous rains, and were not discouraged either by
privation or the still more cruel uncertainty of a march, which
they were conscious the defection of the surrounding garrisons,
might render still more disastrous. In the absence of orders, which
the king could not prevent, and hearing also that his Majesty
had left Lille, the column marched straight to the frontier, but
in crossing a heavy country, over which the horses could only
pass with extreme difficulty, they were unable to defile quickly
enough to follow Marshal Marmont, who led them under
the orders of the princes, with an activity and zeal worthy of
better success, and a portion of these unfortunate men were
forced to remain behind, when Mo7isieur, fearing their devotion
would only lead them into useless perils, gave them leave to
withdraw. But being quickly surprised and shut up in Bethune
by orders received from Paris, they did not all succeed in dis-
persing, and left to Monsieur only the hope of rallying round
him by degrees, those amongst them whom he could collect on
the frontier ; for which purpose he remained there.

At eight o'clock on the morning of the 25th, the king heard
that Monsieur had reached Ypres, and the news of what had
befallen his household troops added fresh weight to the sorrows
with which he was already overwhelmed.

In the midst of this terrible disaster, his Majesty has received
the most gratifying tokens of fidelity, but they in a measure
serve only to increase his regrets. He is forced to leave his
people, good and devoted as they are, to the tender mercies of
an excited soldiery, and he cannot gather round him his staunch
and brave followers. There are evidences of unswerving fidelity
among many of the chiefs of that army which the king would
like to call his own, and yet he cannot offer any other recompense
than that esteem and praise which France and posterity will one
day acknowledge as their due.

THE CONGRESS OF VIENNA. 107

Among the memories which are indeUbly engraved on the
king's heart and the honourable sentiments of which he has
received the most convincing proof, those which he retains of the
conduct of Marshal Mortier occupy the first rank. Since the
arrival of his Majesty at Ostend he has heard through the
Due d'Orleans that an order to arrest him and all the princes
had reached the marshal ; a staff officer carrying a despatch
from Marshal Davoust, in which the same order was enclosed,
arrived at Lille after the king had left it ; but the Due de
Trevise arranged matters so that nothing transpired until after
the departure of the Due d'Orleans.^

This brief narrative of the principal events which mark the
short and unfortunate period just described, will enable you to
judge of the sudden and innumerable difficulties by which the
king sees himself surrounded. Never have such unexpected
and rapid events changed the aspect of a vast monarchy ; but
never before has the marked difference between the disposition
of the soldier and the citizen so completely paralyzed patriotism,
weakened authority, and invested with a magic terror the man,
•who, arriving almost alone on French soil, was enabled two days
later to array a mass of armed men against a defenceless people.

Moreover this simultaneous and general defection of the
army has not, it is evident, been based on any motive that could
for a length of time attach it to the fate of the man who has
resumed so baneful an ascendency over it. The tacit compact
he has made with it, will quickly be broken by the reverses that
await him. It is not Buonaparte proscribed, rejected and shortly
to be overwhelmed by the whole of Europe, whom this credulous
soldiery desired to follow. They saw before them the devastator

1 . ..." I then decided to leave {Lille) in the night. It was not until I had
come to this determination that I leamt from Marshal the Due de Trevise (who had
had the extreme delicacy to hide it from me as well as the king) that a telegraphic
despatch of fifteen lines, had been sent him, by which he was enjoined to arrest the
king and all the Bourbons who might be at Lille. He told me besides, that since
the king's departure one of Marshal Davoust's aides-de-camp had presented himself
at the gate, that he had sent for him and found that he brought orders to arrest the
king and myself. He assured me that he could trust this aide-de-camp, and begging
me to take no notice of what I had just learnt, he asked me to stay at Lille as long as
if I had known nothing about it. I already appreciated all the qualities of Marshal
the Due de Trevise, for whom I had a sincere friendship, and I had no need of this
fresh proof of loyalty to do justice to the nobleness of his Qh'ixi.':^^'!" —My Journal.
Events ff/'S^lS, by Louis Philippe d'Orleans (i. 256).

io8 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

of the world, ready to give them up the spoil. Yi\% prestige once
destroyed, Buonaparte will soon lose his borrowed strength ; it
is for this, for the reflex which follows the intoxication of a great
illusion, which the king waits, with all the impatience to which
the happy results he expects from it, give rise.

No. 50. — The Prince de Talleyrand to King
Louis XVIII.

Vienna, April 13, 1S15.

Sire,

As Buonaparte has made himself master of Paris, the
powers consider that it might be advisable to renew by a second
declaration, the manifestation of the sentiments expressed in
that of the 13th of March. There is every reason to believe,
that with the exception of a few individuals, every one in France
of whatever shade of opinion, desires the same thing, the downfall
of Buonaparte. It would be well therefore to utilize this general
feeling, in order to annihilate him. This object once accomplished,
the particular opinions of each party will find themselves without
support, without strength, and without means of action, and will
no longer present any obstacles.

The declaration has therefore been drawn up in such a
manner as to induce the representatives of all parties to compel
Buonaparte to retire. Though fully agreed as to the basis of the
declaration, we have not yet come to an understanding as to its
form ; and its publication is for the moment delayed. It is even
suggested to substitute for a declaration by the congress, a pro-
clamation, to be issued simultaneously by all the commanders-in-
chief of the allied troops, at the moment that those troops enter
French territory, and I am not disinclined to adopt this idea,
which seems to me to possess many advantages.

All I hear from France proves that Buonaparte finds himself
greatly embarrassed. I also judge of this from the two emissaries
he has sent here.

One of them, M. de Montrond, with the help of the Abbe
Altieri attached to the Austrian legation in Paris, has come as
far as Vienna. He had no ostensible mission nor any despatches,
and he has most probably been sent by the party which favours
Buonaparte, not by Buonaparte himself That at least is my
impression. He was the bearer of messages to M. de Metternich,
M. de Nesselrode, and myself He was to ascertain whether the
foreign powers were seriously determined not to recognize

THE CONGRESS OF VIENNA. 109

Buonapaifte, but to go to war with him ; he had also a letter for
Prince Eugene. What he was told to ask me was, How I could
possibly resolve on stirring up a war with France ? " Read the
declaration," I replied ; " it does not contain one word which I do
not fully endorse. Besides, it is not a question of war against
France, it is war against the man of the island of Elba."

He asked M. de Metternich whether the Austrian govern-
ment had completely lost sight of the views they held in March,
1814. "A regency.?" replied M. de Metternich, "we do not
want one." Finally he tried to find out from M. de Nesselrode
what were the Emperor Alexander's views. " The destruction
of Buonaparte and all his people," was the reply, and there the
matter ended.

It was decided to make M. de Montrond at once acquainted
with the number of troops that will immediately take the field,
and likewise with the treaty of March 2Sth. He has returned to
Paris carrying this information and these answers back with him ;
it will give those who have attached themselves to Buonaparte's
fortunes, something to think about.

The second emissary he sent was M. de Flahaut.i When he
arrived at Stuttgart the King of Wurtemburg had him arrested
and conducted back to the frontier. He carried despatches
for the Emperor of Austria, the Emperor Alexander, the Empress
Marie-Louise, and for your Majesty's legation at Vienna. They
were we presume (the despatches being all separate) letters to
annul the powers of your Majesty's embassy.

The sovereigns continue very well disposed. I can assure
your Majesty that it is an extremely difficult matter to get so
many people all to go the same way ; I never cease in my efforts
to prevent any of them from turning aside. The territorial
arrangements for the north of Germany were concluded yester-
day ; in a few days more I hope the congress will have finished
all that it has to do.

I shall have the honour to send your Majesty by the first
English courier, who leaves on Saturday the iSth, the
declaration of war (very badly drawn up) by Austria, against

^ Comte de Flahaut de la Billarderie, born in 1785, enlisted in 1798, took part
in all the campaigns of the Empire, and became a General in 1813, and Aide-de-Camp
to the emperor. In 1814 he adhered to the restoration, but was one of the tirst to
rally round the emperor at the period of the Hundred Days. On his return from
his fruitless mission to Vienna he was made a peer of France. He was exiled at the
second restoration, and tendered his resignation in 1817. The Revolution of July
gave him back his rank and his peerage. In 183 1 he was for a brief space Ambas-
sador at Berlin, and became in 1837 equerry to the Due d'Orleans. In 1841 he was
appointed Ambassador at Vienna, and held this post till 1848 ; he was created
senator in 1853, and Grand Chancellor of the Legion of Honour in 1864. He died
in 1870.

no THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

Murat. This matter will very shortly I trust be concluded to
your satisfaction.

I have the honour to be

P.S. — This letter is taken by M. Fauche Borel.i

No. 51. — The Prince de Talleyrand to King
Louis XVIII.

Sire,

Vienna, April 15, 1815.

I have returned the three letters which your Majesty
desired M. de Jaucourt to send me. I ventured to tell him (owing
to some questions put to me the object of which was to ascertain
whether your Majesty approved of the declaration) that the
emperors expected to find in these letters some expressions of
satisfaction on this subject. Nevertheless their words and their
actions all show that the greatest unanimity reigns among them,
and I will do my utmost to foster this feeling to the end.

M. Pozzo will have told your Majesty how, under even less
difficult circumstances, it was no easy matter to make interests,
apparently at variance, take the same line.

The Russian troops arrived in Bohemia four days before they
were expected. It would not surprise me if, although going by
way of the Vistula, they reached the Rhine before, or at any rate
as soon as, the Austrian troops.

Reports here as to the actual force and position of the army
under the command of the Duke of Wellington vary so con-
siderably, that I should much like your Majesty to order M. de
Jaucourt to send me positive information on this point, especially
as to the time when they may be expected to enter France.

Marshal de Wrede leaves here in two days.^ The force under
his command, and also the Prussian troops, are much excited.

The Austrians have received news from Ital}^ dated April 7th,
with which they are on the whole satisfied ; but then, they are

^ Louis Fauche-Borel, a Swiss political agent of French origin. Born at Neuf-
chatel in 1762 he rendered great services to the etnigrcs. In 1795 he acted as
intermediary between the Prince de Conde and Pichegru, and was mixed up in all
the royalist intrigues and conspiracies in France up to iSoi. He was then arrested
in Paris and detained for eighteen months. At the intervention of the King of
Prussia, he was liberated. He then retired to Berlin in 1S05. Owing to the
demands of Napoleon, he was compelled to take refuge in London. In 1814 and
1S15 he received numerous missions and travelled frequently between Ghent and
Vienna. He was at length arrested at Ghent by order of M. de Blacas. In 1S16 he
received from the King of Prussia the title of Councillor to the Embassy ; but soon
after, abandoned by all and quite forgotten, he was reduced to want, and ended by
killing hmiself (1S29),

- Var. . "he will stop four days at Munich and go thence to his army corps.''

THE CONGRESS OF VIENNA. m

satisfied with very little. The reason of this satisfaction is that
Murat's army corps, after having in vain tried to force the bridge
of d'Occhiobello,has retired, and his whole army is now between
Modena, Ferrara, and the sea. General Frimont hoped to be in
a position to attack about the 12th.

I have the honour to send your Majesty the declaration
against Murat, which has been communicated to me officially by
M. de Metternich.

I have the honour to be

No. 29.1 — King Louis XVIII. to the Prince
DE Talleyrand.

Ghent, April ■zi^ 181 5.
MoN Cousin,

I was about to answer your letter No. 49, enclosing
No. 38, when I received your letter No. 50, inclosing No. 44.
You have without doubt influenced the declaration of the sove-
reigns. I hope, if there is still time, you will likewise influence that
of the generals, which will be a very important document. If it
is wished that it should produce all the effect desirable, it is
necessary that, in conformity with the declarations of March 1 3th,
and Article III. of the treaty of the 25th, Europe should declare
herself the ally of the king and the French nation, and against the
invasion of Napoleon Buonaparte, the friend of all those who
declare for the former, and the enemy of all those who arm in
favour of the latter, at the same time excluding all ideas of
conquest and of all intermediate parties, the possibility of which
must not even be supposed.

' M. Pallain here inserts another letter of the king's to M. de Talleyrand, dated
2ist April. According to the number of the prince's despatches to which the king
says he has replied, it is probable that the letter of the 22nd is the only one that was
sent. The contents are besides almost similar, one phrase being identical. However
here is the letter : —

Ghent, April zi, 1815.
MoN Cousin,

I have received your letter numbered 49, and also 38 which was
enclosed. After you had despatched it you would have received my letters which
I have continued to send, but which in default of the means I possessed when in
Paris, necessarily cause unpunctuality in the correspondence.

I am very anxious to get the declaration which you mention, and in the drafting
of which, according to your letter, I hope you have assisted. The Chevalier Stuart
has just told me it was signed on the nth. For my part, I am busy with
the proclamation which I must publish when I again enter France. I will send it to
you as soon as it is drawn up, and been seen, by the Duke of Wellington and General
Pozzo di Borgo. If the sovereigns are still in Vienna when it arrives, I hope you will
gain their goodwill for it. Nevertheless, I trust it may not find them there ; speed in
all the operations is what is now most needed ; all the reports from the interior are
excellent, but we must not give the enemy any time.

Louis.

112 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

For my part, I am preparing the declaration, or proclamation
I shall have to issue, when I again set foot in France. I will
send it to you as soon as it is drawn up, but I sincerely hope that
it may no longer find you in Vienna.

Your letter No. 50, speaks of the termination of the con-
gress. It will of course be necessary for you to sign in my name,
the treaty which will end it ; but I long greatly to have you near
me, especially in the present state of affairs.

You will have heard of the unfortunate issue of my nephew's ^
brave enterprise and also that even my niece was unable to save
Bordeaux. Public opinion in France is not changed, all the
reports are unanimous on this point. It is essential to act
promptly, and this is both the wish and the opinion of the
Duke of Wellington.

I will only say one word as to your letter No. 38, viz.,
that the letter of the Due de Campo-Chiaro is worth preserving
as a record of the notorious perfidy of his master.

Wherefore I pray God to have you, my cousin, in His safe and
holy keeping.

Louis.

No. 52.— The Prince de Talleyrand to King
Louis XVIII.

Vienna, ^/rz7 23, 1815.

Sire,

Something has just occurred here which I would fain keep
from your Majesty, as it will I fear greatly vex you, but which it
is important you should know, being closely connected with your
Majesty's present position, and a matter you would without fail
hear from others without perhaps being informed of circumstances
which would tend to ameliorate and counterbalance it.

For some time past I have had occasion to notice, that if the
Emperor of Russia was often opposed to what 3'our Majesty
wished done, he was sometimes influenced, not merely by what
he himself desired, .but because he was often oiiended as well.

1st. Because your Majesty had not offered him the cordon bleti,
having given it to the Prince Regent.

2nd. Because of the futility of his intercession and entreaties
in favour of the Due de Vicence, in whom he takes a great
interest, and who was excluded from the chamber of peers.

3rd. Because of the firmness with which your Majesty, on

^ This refers to M. le Due, and lo Madame la Duchesse, d'Anmuleme.

CHARLES MAURICE DE TALLEYRAND-PERIQORD, PRINCE DE BENEVENTO

FROM A BUST BY MICHELET

THE CONGRESS OF VIENNA. 113

the subject of the marriage, refused to accede to his wishes
on the religious point.

4th. and lastly. Because the constitutional charter differed in
many respects from the views he had expressed in Paris on this
subject, and which, from his attachment to liberal ideas, he
regarded as very beneficial and of great importance.

I knew that for some time he had complained of this
^xlvaXeXy in pretty strong terms^ but I did not then think it of
much importance. Now however I am convinced, that these
feelings influence his judgment as to the situation of France and
that of your Majesty.

According to the news from France and the reports of
those who come thence, the whole bulk of the nation is for
your Majesty ; and against you are two parties, that of the
army, which is entirely for Buonaparte (those in it who are well-
intentioned being subjugated or carried away by the mass) ;
and the party composed of what remains of the old revolutionary
factions. The latter has only joined the former, because the
first having taken the lead, the second^ found itself obliged to
follow. They are only agreed on the one point, that both
wanted a change, but not for the same reasons nor for the same
end. The army, tired of the long peace, wanted a chief who
would give them back the chances of danger, fortune, and fame,
to which they had been accustomed for the last twenty-two years.
Buonaparte was evidently therefore the man for them. The
chiefs of the other party know Buonaparte and hate him ; they
know his insatiable love of power, they are aware that civil
liberty has no more cruel enemy, they know well that wherever
a rebel army is invested with supreme authority, only the merest
shadow of a civil government can exist ; that outside this civil
government, they are as nothing, and that passive obedience will
be their fate as well as that of the rest of the people. They are
perfectly aware of the motives which induced Buonaparte to
approach them, they know that his union with them is a forced
union, that the ties by which they will try to hold him and
which at this moment he acknowledges, will only be binding so
long as he has not the power of breaking them, and that
victories, if he gains any, will give him this power. They do not
conceal from themselves, that what the army has done once, it
may do a second or a third time, and that in such a state of
affairs there would be no security either for the master or the
slaves. Undeceived as to their old chimeras, they no longer
dream of a republic ; the titles and the fortunes they have

^ Suppressed in the text of the archives.

2 Var. : "ennuyee du repos" = "tired of inactivity.''

VOL. III.

114 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

acquired, bind them to the monarchical system. They were not
opposed to the legitimate dynasty, but they could not endure a
system of government, which by excluding them from holding
any office, they believed ' deprived them of all political existence,
and menaced them for the future with even still greater losses.
Their aversion to this state of affairs is such, that they would
gladly remove it at any price, and rather than relapse into it
again, they will plunge themselves into the horrors and dangers
of revolutionary rule.

Buonaparte's first object is to nationalize the war he will
have to carry on. The first aim of the Powers is to prevent
this. He well knows he cannot attain this end by persuasion,
and that he can only arrive thereat by means of terrorism. But his
army which he must unite on the frontier, and which will be
fighting with a foreign power, will not suffice him ; he must
have other means, and these he can only find in that party to
which he himself once belonged, on the ruins of which he has
raised himself, which he has for a long time oppressed, and
from which he is now seeking support.

The Powers thought that this party (if it was deemed best to
calm its fears) might be induced to separate itself from a man
whom it does not love, and that thus Buonaparte would be
deprived of his chief resource and of that which can make his
resistance much longer and more dangerous.

A scheme for a declaration on these lines has been
drawn up.

When it was only a question of Europe arming herself, not
against France, but for France, that she recognized no enemies
but Buonaparte and his adherents, that she would never negotiate
with him, that she would grant him neither peace nor truce, and
would not lay down her arms till she had overthrown him, all
opinions were unanimous ; but when it became a question of
further expressing in the declaration, that the final aim of the
war was the re-establishment of the legitimate dynasty, opinions
were divided.

" If you do not mention this re-establishment," said some,
" those who in the provinces armed themselves, and whom the
declaration of the 13th of March induced to take up arms for the
King's cause, will consider themselves abandoned, you will
deprive yourself of a certain support, in order to obtain an un-
certain one. If you merely announce your intention of over-
throwing the usurper, and allow it to be supposed that this object
accomplished, France may do as she likes, you will hand her

^ Var. : "'vu" = "saw."

THE CONGRESS OF VIENNA. nj

over to Jacobinism and to factions more dangerous to Europe
than Buonaparte himself."

" The re-establishment of the legitimate dynasty," said
others, " is a matter with respect to which the intentions of the
Powers cannot be mistaken. The declaration of March 13th
expresses them sufficiently. By insisting on them afresh in too
absolute a manner, the original aim (that of detaching those
from Buonaparte who cannot be brought back, except by such
concessions as the Powers might hint at, but which the king
alone can promise and perform) will be destroyed."

Matters were at this stage when the Emperor Alexander sent
for Lord Clancarty, who, since the departure of Lord Castlereagh
and the Duke of Wellington, is at the head of the English embassy.
The account of their conversation was given me partly by Lord
Clancarty, but in much further detail by Lord Stewart and M. de
Metternich.

The task of having to relate it to your Majesty is the more
painful to me, that finding myself placed, from various causes,
between respect and devotion, I fear that what I give to the one,
I may seem to withhold from the other. But your Majesty,.
whose interest it is to know the feelings of your most powerful
ally, could but imperfectly judge of them, if you were not ac-
quainted with the reasons he gives, as well as the objections by
which he pretends to justify them. The exigency of this con-
sideration alone constrains me to relate them.

The emperor first asked Lord Clancarty why he did not
approve of the draft declaration.^ " Because, in my opinion,"
replied Lord Clancarty, " I do not think it says all it
should say. It is not enough to overthrow Buonaparte ; the
door must not be thrown open to the Jacobins, who would be
still less to my taste than Buonaparte himself" " The Jacobins,"
replied the Emperor Alexander, " are only to be feared as
Buonaparte's auxiliaries ; and it is on that account one must try
to separate them from him. If he falls, it will not be they who
will recover his heritage ; the first point therefore is to overthrow
him ; on this we are all agreed. As for me, I will devote all my
strength and will never rest until this has been accomplished.
However, I am quite willing to consent to put off a declaration
or proclamation, until our troops are close to France, indeed
I should advise this. But Buonaparte's overthrow is not
the sole point on which it is necessary for us to understand each
other. In such a huge enterprise as that in which we are now
engaged, it is necessary from the very beginning to keep the
end in view. Buonaparte's overthrow is only half of the work ;

' Var. : "and what objection he had to make to it."

I 2

ii6 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

the security of Europe must be provided for, she cannot be at
peace so long as France is not, and France cannot be so, except
with a government that suits all parties."

" France," said Lord Clancarty, "was happy under the King's
government ; all the votes of the nation are for him."

" Yes," replied the Emperor, " of that portion of the nation
which has always been passive, which for twenty-six years has
put up with all the revolutions, which only bewails them but
does nothing to prevent them. But the other portion, which
apparently is the entire nation, because it alone is in evidence,
or makes any stir and takes the lead, will it willingly submit
itself and be faithful to the government which it has betrayed }
Would you impose it upon them, whether they like it or not t
Would you, for this, carry on a war of extermination, and perhaps
an endless one, and have you any certainty of success at last .' "

" I feel," replied Lord Clancarty, " that duty ends where
impossibility begins ; but until impossibility has been reached, I
hold it to be the duty of the Powers to support the legitimate
sovereign and not even raise the question of his abandonment."

" Our first duty," answered the Emperor, " is towards Europe
and ourselves. Even if the re-establishment of the government
were an easy matter, as long as there is no certainty as to its
stability, what would its re-establishment do, but prepare fresh
misfortunes both for France and Europe .'' If what has once
occurred should happen again, should we be all united as we are
now .'' Should we have nearly a million of men under arms .'
Should we be ready at the very moment that the danger broke
forth, and what probability is there (the elements of disorder
being the same) that the government of the king will in future
be more stable than it has been .' However, whatever opinions
others may have on this matter, I hold that the re-establishment
of the King, which we all desire and which I particularly wish, is
likely to meet with so many unsurmountable obstacles when it
does take place, that we ought to look ahead, and arrange in
advance, what will then have to be done. Last year a regency
might have been established ; but the Archduchess Marie-Louise,
to whom I have spoken, will not return to France at any price.
Her son must have an establishment in Austria, and beyond
that she does not seek anything more for him. I have also
ascertained that Austria no longer desires a regency. Last year
it seemed to me that such a measure would have reconciled all
opposing interests ; but the situation is no longer the same. It
is therefore no use thinking any more about it. I see no one so
fitted to conciliate all parties as the Due d'Orleans ; he is a
Frenchman, a Bourbon ; he has married a Bourbon, and he has

THE CONGRESS OF VIENNA. 117

sons. He also, when young, served the constitutional cause. He
has worn the tricolor cockade, which I often maintained, when
in Paris, ought never to have been discarded. In him all parties
would be united. Do not you agree with me in this, my Lord,
and what would be the opinion of England about it ? "

" I cannot possibly say," answered Lord Clancarty, " what
would be the opinion of my government on an idea which would
be as new to them as it is to me. As for my personal opinion, I
do not hesitate to say, that it seems to me extremely dangerous
to abandon the legitimate line and rush into any kind of
usurpation. But your Majesty will surely wish me to acquaint
my government with that which you have done me the honour
to communicate .' "

The Emperor told him to write, and after pointing out how
necessary it was to ascertain as far as possible what might be the
result of so grave an undertaking, withdrew.

Lord Clancarty did write, but dwelt very strongly on the
reasons why England should remain firm to your Majesty's cause.
M. de Metternich, to whom Lord Stewart and Lord Clancarty
had communicated this conversation, thought that the question
raised by the Emperor was quite out of place. That it was
wrong to wander off into hypothetical questions which would
never present themselves, and that it was necessary to wait till
they did so, and grapple with each in turn.

He has instructed the Austrian embassy in London to
express itself in this sense.

The Emperor Alexander, who hardly understands the
principle of legitimacy, has, without waiting to hear the opinion
of the English cabinet, inserted an article in the Gazette de
Francfort, which I have now before me, and which declares, that
all that the Powers desire, is the overthrow of Buonaparte, but
that they have no intention of interfering with the internal
government of France or of imposing a government upon her ;
and that she will be at liberty to choose that form which she
prefers. But up to the present he is alone in this view. Even
Prussia, accustomed as she is to consult her own wishes alone, is
favourable to your Majesty ; she has even expressed the wish
that your Majesty should issue a proclamation, and that this
proclamation should precede the meeting of the assembly of
electors, which Buonaparte has summoned to Paris. This also
is the wish of the greater part of the Powers. It is considered
important that your Majesty should endeavour to rally all
parties round you, by assuring to all, without distinction, the
advantages of a constitutional government. The Powers believe
that a declaration from your Majesty, made in this spirit, would

ii8 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

prove an admirable auxiliary to the forces they are about to
deploy. Several indeed think that your Majesty should lay the
blame of any faults that may have been committed on your
ministers, and form a fresh ministry, as if you were in France, in
the composition of which each party would find the guarantee it
desires. I have been asked to write to your Majesty about this,
and have even been informed that this wish will be hinted at by
the ministers about to be accredited to you, and I therefore hope
your Majesty will be beforehand with them.

To all that which the Emperor of Russia told Lord Clancarty,
I have to add utterances on his part, that have reached me from
sources which I have every reason to believe are reliable. On
several occasions he repeated, that when he was in Paris a year
ago, all he then saw and heard, made him fear that the govern-
ment could not hold its ground. It seemed to him that it would
be difficult for the ideas and opinions of the princes to harmonize
with the opinions and habits of a generation which had arisen
during their absence, and which had not, on many points, either
the ideas or customs of their fathers. " Now," he observed, liking
always to deal in general views, " one cannot govern in opposition
to the ideas of the times."

He said that his fears had increased when he found that your
Majesty had summoned men to your council and ministry who,
though no doubt very estimable, had been away from France or
in retirement, during the period of the Revolution, and not
knowing France or being known to her, were consequently
wanting in that experience of affairs which even genius cannot
supply. He considers they have done the royal cause great
harm, although he believes that a similar evil will in future be
avoided because your Majesty would make a different choice.
I ought to mention that he made the remark, that the minister,
concerning whom there were most complaints from every one,
was more in your Majesty's confidence than any one else.^

He even went so far as to say, that the greatest harm has
been done by the amount of power your Majesty has given to, or
allowed to be assumed by the princes, who were ever near you ;
that the prejudices that have arisen against them seemed to
him an evil without a remedy ; that those to which your Majesty
would have been personally exposed, would have produced a far
less vexatious effect, seeing that the dissatisfaction against him
who reigns is tempered and softened by the hopes placed on his
successor, whereas when it is the successors who are feared, this
hope falls to the ground.

^ It was with reference to the Comte de Blacas that the Emperor Alexander made
this remark-

THE CONGRESS OF VIENNA. 119

The Emperor in general conversation, says that he is
quite willing to believe that if your Majesty were alone,
you would suit France and be both beloved and respected,
but as you cannot be disconnected from all your surroundings,
he fears you will never be firmly established. I notice with
great satisfaction that the Powers are all sincerely interested in
your Majesty ; even the utterances of the Emperor of Russia
are the outcome of temper and the philosophic ideas which
predominate his character, rather than from any premeditated
design. I should be pleased if I could add that this interest
extends to Monsieur and the Due d'Angouleme and the Due
de Berry. But power once exclusively placed in the hands of
your Majesty and with some responsible ministers possessing your
confidence and that of the nation, the exaggerated views, both
at home and abroad, caused by errors or inadvertencies, will
gradually disappear.

The Baron de Talleyrand ^ arrived here with the letter your
Majesty has honoured me with, dated April loth. I never cease
stirring up enthusiasm here, and pointing out how important
it is to hasten matters. But the Duke of Wellington, in
a letter of later date than that which your Majesty has done
me the honour to mention, writes, that after the vexatious news
received from the south, he feels the necessity of not com-
mencing operations until a general attack can be made every-
where by all the forces. Yet with the best will in the world,
the distances to be traversed are so great, that the Austrians
could not place a hundred thousand men on the Rhine before
the end of May.

Your Majesty will be pleased to learn that the Austrian
troops in Italy have had successes, which promise still greater
ones. Prince Leopold ^ will leave here in a few days to join the
Austrian army. The Vienna papers have at last left off talking
of King Joachim, they simply say Murat.

M. de Bombelles,^ the former Portuguese ambassador, canon

^ Alexandre-Daniel, Baron de Talleyrand, cousin-german to the Prince, Coun-
cillor of State, afterwards Minister at Florence (1832) and Copenhagen (1835), peer
of France (1838). He died in 1839.

^ Leopold, Prince of Salerno, second son of King Ferdinand. Born in 1790,
married in 1816 the Archduchess Marie-Clementina. He arrived at Teano, the
Austrian headquarters, on the 21st of May, and took possession of the country in his
father's name.

2 Marc-Marie, Marquis de Bombelles, born in 1744, belonged to a family of
Portuguese origin settled in France, and aftei'wards entered the service of Austria.
He at first took to diplomacy, and became French Ambassador to Portugal. Being
exiled in 1792, he served in Conde's army.

He then entered holy orders, and was made Canon of Breslau. Under the
restoration he became almoner to the Duchess de Berry, and Bishop of Amiens. He
died in 1S21.

I20 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

of Glogau and father of Bombelles, who was in Paris, wishes to
re-enter the diplomatic service ; he believes he would in this last
capacity be of great use at Munich, and 8,000 francs would, he
considers, be enough for him to live upon.

I am taking advantage of the zeal of the Comte Alexis de
Noailles, who will have the honour of carrying this despatch to
your Majesty. He has been most useful here in every way, and
I fancy no one could better inform your Majesty as to the politi-
cal and military situation of all the cabinets, whose assistance
we now so greatly need. I entreat your Majesty to have the
goodness to let him be the bearer of the despatches you will
have to send me. He ought to be back here before the close of
the congress ; and the affairs of Germany and Italy, which we
must conclude, progress so slowly, that he will arrive here in
ample time to append his signature to them.
I have the honour to be

No. 53. — The Prince de Talleyrand to King
Louis XVHI.

Vienna, May i, 1815.
Sire,

The Baron de Vincent leaves to-day to join your
Majesty, and has offered to take charge of the letter I have the
honour of writing to you. When commencing hostilities, Murat
counted on an insurrection in Italy, but in this expectation he
was completely disappointed. Full of coofidence, he advanced
as far as the banks of the Po, where the first engagements took
place. Since then he has met with nothing but defeat. He is
retiring in haste to the kingdom of Naples, dreading lest his
retreat should be cut off by an Austrian corps occupying
Tuscany. The last engagement of which we laave received
official accounts took place near Cesena, where he repassed the
Ronco, suffering considerable loss. His army, already much
weakened by the number of prisoners taken, amounting to 7,coo,
is diminishing every day, owing to numerous desertions. Thei-e
is every reason to hope, that before long this war will have come
to an end.

Replacing Ferdinand IV. on his throne will not be the only
advantage resulting from Murat's overthrow. By freeing the
troops now employed against him, and removing all anxiety as
to the maintenance of peace in Italy, our operations against
Buonaparte will be greatly aided. It will also produce a very
favourable effect in France, by proving to every one that Europe
will not tolerate these new dynasties, founded on violence and
injustice, and is determined to upset them.

THE CONGRESS OF VIENNA. 121

This is the result of the efforts we have made here to uphold
the principle of legitimacy. This principle is now fully recog-
nized. A treaty has just been signed by M. de Metternich and
Commander Ruffo/ King Ferdinand's minister at Vienna. This
treaty covenants for the assistance to be given by Sicily in the
war against Murat, and instead of the 20,000 men your Majesty
had designed for this war, King Ferdinand, from what I hear,
has undertaken to send 25,000.

My next despatches will acquaint your Majesty with all the
stipulations of the treaty, which I have not yet seen.

Leopold, prince of the Two Sicilies, leaves here on the 4th
of this month for the headquarters of the Austrian army.

Although matters respecting Parma are not yet concluded,
the Emperor of Austria has issued an order by which he assumes
positive control of the three duchies ^ in his daughter's name.
Thus your Majesty will perceive that the arrangements to be
settled by the congress are being carried out before they have
been decided, which does not greatly matter, but which we have
not the power to prevent.

The Austrian and Russian troops continue their march.
The headquarters of Prince Schwarzenberg are at Heilbronn, in
Wurtemberg. He himself proceeded there yesterday, passing
through Bohemia, where he will remain a few days.

The arrangements with Bavaria, which I informed your
Majesty were finished but not signed, are, after having caused
fresh discussions, at last concluded. Nevertheless they are only
provisionally so. They will not be definitely completed till after
the war, because being dependent on the negotiations with the
courts of Baden and Darmstadt, which have concessions to make
to Bavaria, and to receive indemnities on the left bank of the
Rhine, these courts will not accept any compensations which
the chances of war (supposing it to be a disastrous one) might
take from them.

General Walterstorff,* the Danish minister, is to leave to-
morrow for your Majesty's court. He, as well as M. de Vincent,
are accredited commissioners to the Duke of Wellington.
I have the honour to be ... .

1 Commander Rufib, an Italian diplomat, was the Kang of Naples' Minister at
Paris in 1797. Returning to Naples in 1798, he followed the Court to Sicily in
1805, and was charged with a mission to Portugal. In 1815 he went to Vienna as a
plenipotentiary to the Congress. He died in 1825.

^ See d'Angeberg, Congrh de Vienne, p. 1 156.

' Parma, Placentia and Guastalla.

< Ernest Frederick de WalterstorfF, bom in 1755, Lieutenant-General and
Chamberlain to the King of Denmark, Minister-Plenipotentiary at Paris from 1810.
He died in 1820.

122 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

No. 54. — The Prince de Talleyrand to King
Louis XVIII.

Vienna, May 5, 181 5.
Sire,

A former chamberlain ^ of Buonaparte's, who having
accompanied the Archduchess Marie-Louise hither was made
chamberlain to the Emperor Francis, and who had some time
ago returned to Paris, has been lately sent here with a letter
from Buonaparte to the Emperor, and another from M. de
Caulaincourt for M. de Metternich. By virtue of his title as an
Austrian chamberlain, he got as far as Munich, where, however,
he was stopped, and the letters he carried were sent on here.
Both letters demand the return, for various reasons, of the
Empress and her son. The tone adopted by Buonaparte and
his minister is moderate, but injured. The letters remained
sealed until the conference assembled, and were then opened
in the presence of the ministers of the allied Powers. It was
decided not to reply to them ; this opinion was unanimous.
Your Majesty will see, therefore, that Buonaparte's attempts to
establish ^ some kind of relations with the foreign Powers, have
been repulsed and proved abortive.

The English ministers, with whom I communicated relative
to defraying the expenses of your Majesty's embassy at the
congress, and who showed themselves quite willing to do so,
have received letters from their government, authorizing them
only to advance 100,000 fs. in the course of six months.

The credits we had on France, and which were far from
being exhausted, have been suspended since March 21st. This
leaves us to meet expenses incurred, and which ought to have
been paid on April ist. Moreover, no one attached to the
embassy has received pay from Paris since the month of
January.

The most reduced expenditure for the months of April and
May, even without paying off all that is still owing, will take

1 Baron de Stassart. Bom in 1780 at Malines, he had been under the Empire
Auditor to the State Council, then Intendant of the Tyrol (1805) and of West
Prussia (1807). In 1810 he was appointed Prefet of Vaucleuse, and in 181 1 of the
Bouches de la Meuse. After the fall of Napoleon he was received by the Emperor
of Austria, whose subject he was, and appointed his chamberlain. Having returned
to Paris during the Hundred Days, he left it again on the 17th April with despatches
from Napoleon. He was stopped at Lintz, and retired to Weltz, whence he sent his
despatches to Vienna. He returned to his native country after Waterloo, and was
several times elected to the States-General. In the reign of Leopold he became
President of the Senate. M. de Talleyrand makes a mistake in calling him a former
Chamberlain of Buonaparte's : he never held that office.

^ Var. : " obtenir " = "obtain."

THE CONGRESS OF VIENNA. 123

a considerable portion of the sum promised me by the British
minister ; the balance will not reach us before the beginning of
August, at which date your Majesty will have to consider what
steps it will be possible for you to take in this matter.
I have the honour to be ... .

No. 30. — King Louis XVIII. to the Prince
DE Talleyrand.

Ghent, May 5, 181 5.

MoN Cousin,

I have received by M. de Noailles your letter No. 52.
I enclose with this despatch the proclamation I intend to issue,
with which I flatter myself the sovereigns will be as fully satisfied
as the ministers who are resident here, have been. But this
matter, although an important one, is not the most so. There is
another point in your despatch, which, since its receipt, has been,
and still continues to be, the subject of my most serious con-
sideration.^ In order to solve it I need the very best advice,
and this cannot be given in writing. I therefore requested you
to join me here as soon as you had signed the final act of the
congress in my name, but now I still more urgently need your
presence. If therefore this signature will detain you more than
two or three days, leave without waiting for it. It is really a
matter of indifference which of my plenipotentiaries signs the
treaty, but it is most important I should have you here. Where-
fore I pray God to have you, my cousin, in His safe and holy
keeping.

Louis.

No. 55.— The Prince de Talleyrand to King
Louis XVIII.

Vienna, May 14, 1815.

Sire,

The Comte de Noailles has arrived and delivered the
letter of May Sth with which your Majesty has honoured me.
His arrival is so closely followed by the departure of the courier
of whom I wish to take advantage, that I can only send your
Majesty a very short reply.

^ These were the representations which, under the guise of a conversation with the
Emperor Alexander, M. de Talleyrand made to the King with regard to the interior
policy of his government. The King himself and several members of his govern-
ment — M. de Lancourt in particular — anxiously desired M. de Talleyrand's return to
combat the inflqence of what was then called the parti restS emigri.

124 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

My anxiety to be with you would make me leave to-morrow,
if matters were sufficiently advanced to require only a signature,
or if the close of the congress were still distant. But Italian
affairs are not yet concluded, though nearly so. The delay
caused thereby has kept M. de Saint-Marsan and Commander
Ruffo some days longer here, although the departure of the
latter is very urgent, and the former has been recalled to Turin,
where he has been appointed war minister. On the other hand,
the sovereigns are about to leave, and as in a coalition every
step is subject to a thousand interpretations, I could not hasten
the period of their departure without causing more harm than
benefit to your Majesty's affairs. However, I shall make all
preparation, so that the difference can only be a matter of
forty-eight hours more or less. Besides, I do not think it would
be well in our present circumstances to leave just at a time when
every one else is necessarily hurried.

I had a rather long interview ^ with the Emperor' Alexander
to-day, which I shall have the honour to relate to your Majesty.
I confine myself now to telling you that his utterances vv'ere very
satisfactory, and that he expressed himself in the most spirited
and favourable manner as to our affairs. His opinion is, that
just at present very little action should be taken either by your
Majesty or those around you. He is very desirous to have it
understood, that any steps that might be taken by a single
Power in connection with a common danger, ought to be under-
taken by the unanimous desire of all. This is the chief object
in despatching ministers to all the army corps, and I think this
rule will have to be adopted by your Majesty.
I have the honour to be ... .

No. 56. — The Prince de Talleyrand to King
Louis XVHI.

Vienna, May 17, 1815.

Sire,

It has been decided to substitute, for the proposed
declaration, which I had the honour of mentioning several times
to your Majesty, a statement which will fulfil the same object.
This will be published in the Gazette de Vienne, and will im-
mediately after appear in the different journals of Germany and
also in those of other countries, having first been printed at the
Austrian Chancellor's office. I have the honour to send your
Majesty several copies.

^ Var. : " un assez long entretien" = "sufficiently long interview."

THE CONGRESS OF VIENNA. 125

You will see that this statement fully confirms the arrange-
ments come to by the Powers in the declaration of March 13th;
that the sophistry of Buonaparte is refuted, and his impostures
brought to light. But you will specially notice that Europe
does not appear as if making war for your Majesty, and at your
request, but that she does so for herself, because her interests
require it, and because her safety demands it. Not only is this
view of the war alone accurate, but every one thinks it is the
only one suited to your Majesty. It is the only one that does
not place you in a false position, as regards your own subjects,
for nothing might contribute more towards alienating their
affection, than if they were left in any doubt as to the cause of
the war. They must never be able to attribute to your Majesty
the evils which it will bring upon them.
I have the honour to be ... ,

P.S. — I have according to your Majesty's orders, written to the
sovereigns and archdukes who are here, asking for permission to
take my leave.

I have sent to M. de Jaucourt the letters from M. de la
Tour du Pin, which may interest your Majesty. That of
M. d'Osmond ^ which encloses them, gives the latest details
respecting Italian affairs.

No. 57. — The Prince de Talleyrand to King Louis

XVIII.

Vienna, May 25," 1815.

Sire,

At my farewell audiences, I received from all the
sovereigns the warmest expressions of esteem for your Majesty.
These audiences were not merely formal, they were much longer
than is usually accorded under similar circumstances. I shall
have the honour to tell your Majesty about them.

Although everything is not yet completed, the anxiety I felt
to be with your Majesty had decided me to leave to-morrow,
but M. de Metternich, M. de Nesselrode, and the Chancellor de
Hardenberg, having begged me to sign, together with the heads
of the other cabinets, the protocols which comprise the ar-
rangements decided on by the congress, I felt I ought to accede

1 M. d'Osmond was the King's ambassador at Turin. It has been mentioned
previously that M. de la Tour du Pin had gone from Vienna to the south of France
where he flattered himself he might be of use to the royal cause.

2 Var. : "May 23, 1815."

126 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

to their request, as it will only retard my departure by two or
three days.

The protocol will contain the final draft, with the exception
of a few modifications, which can only affect the expressions of
the articles which are to form the deed of congress. A com-
mission consisting of a plenipotentiary from each of the Powers,
will remain here to put these articles into suitable form, and
separate those which determine special relations, from those
which concern general interests. I shall leave M. de Dalberg
here to represent France on this commission. This business
will only last nine or ten days, if the delegates work with a little
more assiduity than their chiefs have done.

I have the honour to send your Majesty two letters from the
Due d'Angouleme. I had the honour to write one to him which
is probably lost. We shall perhaps see it in a few days in some
of the French journals. I have to-day sent a letter by courier
to Lady Castlereagh for Madame la Duchesse d'Angouleme.
In order that your Majesty may have a complete collection of
my voluminous correspondence, I have the honour to send you
copies of those numbers which I presume have not reached you.
If no unforeseen obstacles arise, I shall be at your Majesty's
orders in Ghent on Sunday, June 4th.

I have the honour to be ....

No. 58. — The Prince de Talleyrand to King.
Louis XVIII.

Vienna, May 27, 1815.
Sire,

I can now tell your Majesty of the great anxiety I
have experienced during the last eight days. A question arose
as to whether, under the circumstances, which necessitated leaving
some points undecided, the signing of the Act of Congress ought
not to be postponed to some future date. A rather deep intrigue
lay beneath this. Its object was to make doubtful, matters
which had already been decided, and to frustrate decision on
several others which ought to be decided.

Nothing was of greater importance to your Majesty's interest,
than that your name should be appended to an act which
announced the union of all the Powers. All my efforts therefore
were concentrated towards this end. In this I have been well
supported by the English and Austrian embassies. The act will
be signed to-morrow or the day after.

I have the honour to transmit to your Majesty a declaration
by the Helvetian Diet to the ministers accredited to it ; and also

THE CONGRESS OF VIENNA. 127

a convention signed between these ministers and those of
Switzerland. Your Majesty will see that, if, in the declaration,
Switzerland seems to wish to preserve her neutrality, her inten-
tion (which is clearly explained in the convention) is neverthe-
less to do all that can possibly be expected of her for the cause
of Europe. And in case of necessity (of which the allied
generals are to be the judges) she will authorize the passage of
the allied troops through Swiss territory.

In all the letters received here yesterday by the ministers of
the Powers in Vienna, great praise is given to M. Auguste de
Talleyrand for his efforts in attaining this advantageous end.
Both from a moral as well as a military point of view, this action
on the part of Switzerland, is looked upon by the allies as being
of the greatest possible use.

I shall not have the honour of writing again to your Majesty
from Vienna. I start at once to lay at your Majesty's feet my
most respectful homage and devotion. I take no papers away
with me.

END OF THE CORRESPONDENCE OF THE CONGRESS
AND OF PART VIII.

PART IX.

THE SECOND RESTORATION-
ADDENDUM— TALLEYRAND'S REPLY TO HIS ACCUSERS.

1815.

Talleyrand reaches Brussels just after the Battle of Waterloo — Joins the
King at Mons — Tries to persuade the King to establish himself
temporarily at Lyons — Insists the King should not return to Paris
except as undisputed sovereign — The King adheres to his original
intention — Talleyrand's report to King Louis of the work done at the
Congress — Points out in what the first restoration failed — Suggests
remedies for adoption by the second restoration — Letter from M. de
Mettemich — The Allied Sovereigns arrive at Mannheim — Louis XVIII.'s
second proclamation from Cambray — His choice of Fouche as Minister
of Police very unpopular — The Duke of Wellington's letter respecting
the restoration of the works of Art to foreign countries — Talleyrand's
indignation thereat — The Due de Richelieu refuses to take office in
France — Talleyrand's answer — Royal proclamation, dissolving the exist-
ing Chamber of Deputies — Letter of M. de Bourrienne — Complains of
the scandalous behaviour of the Austrian troops in France — Fouchd
carries his point with regard to the prosecutions of those who had
formed the Chamber of Peers during the hundred days — Talleyrand's
appeals for clemency not attended to — His arguments in favour of
hereditary peerages — Overbearing order issued by Comte Wurmser of
the Austrian Army — King Louis's expostulation — The allies make more
satisfactory arrangements — Talleyrand's reply to the allies on their
demand for guarantees — Lord Castlereagh's memorandum respecting
the art galleries — Talleyrand's reply in defence — Lord Wellington's
"brutal" answer — Ultimatuni of the four Powers as to the guarantees
required — Talleyrand indignant at the " insolence " of the demands —
Considers a prudent answer necessary — His note to the propositions of
the allies — Reply of their ministers — King Louis dreads the consequences
of a breach — Advises conciliatory measures — Talleyrand convinced that
weakness at this point is fatal — Offers to retire — Metternich tries in vain
to persuade him to continue in office — His characteristic reply — The King
accepts his resignation— Close of this period of his political career.

Addendum — Talleyrand's reply to his accusers respecting the murder
of the Due d'Enghien.

THE SECOND RESTORATION. 129

My departure from Vienna was retarded several days beyond
the date mentioned in my letter to the king of May 27th.
The intrigue which had been started to prevent the signature
of the final Act of the Congress, had not been put down ; they
hoped to exhaust my patience. But I felt the importance of
not yielding too strongly, to give in. I considered it absolutely
necessary to have written, signed, and irrevocable pledges from
the Powers, before commencing a war, the issue of which might
for a long time be doubtful. No one could foresee that these
same Powers would, after their victory, fail in their engagements,
and that we, on our side, should have erred in leaving them the
means of doing so. Be that as it may, my duty seemed plain,
and I performed it. I did not quit Vienna till June loth, the
final Act of the Congress having been signed the evening before.
Thus, as has been seen, when I reached Belgium, I heard the
result of the battle of Waterloo.

The king had left Ghent before I arrived in Brussels, and
I could not join him till I reached Mons. He was following
the English army ; it was this I wished to prevent. When I
presented myself he was just about to step into his carriage.
He said a few kind words to me ; I did not conceal from him
how grieved I was to see the manner in which he intended
returning to France, that I felt he ought not to appear there
among the ranks of foreigners, that he was ruining his cause,
that in wounding the national pride he would damp the attach-
ment felt for his person, and that my advice was, that he should
proceed with some kind of escort, or better still without any at
all, to some part of the French frontier which the foreigners had
not yet reached, and there establish the seat of his government.
I named the town of Lyons as suitable for the execution of my
scheme, both from its importance and its position. " The king,"
I said to him, "could from thence exercise his power quite
independent of all the allies. I would precede him there if he
liked ; and return to acquaint him with the feeling of the town.
That, once in Lyons, he could make an appeal to his faithful
subjects ; that those who had been led astray would probably
be the first to return ; that he could there convoke the
Chambers ; that there would be time to make all organic laws
VOL. III. K

I30 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

ere party spirit stepped in to introduce obstacles ; that from
Lyons he could protect France, whereas from Paris he could
not ; that it was necessary to provide for the chance of the allies
turning round both in intention and language, after the victory
they had just gained, and using against France those successes
which they had solemnly declared they only wished to obtain
for her. " There are several indications," I added, " which make
me dread such a change. Their return to the principles of
legitimacy is too recent, to prevent our having nothing to fear
from people accustomed to found their rights on their pre-
tensions, and their pretensions on their power. But if from
allies they turned to enemies, and the king had then to treat with
them, he would nowhere be so much at their mercy as in his
capital." I therefore insisted that the king should not return
there, until he could reign as undisputed sovereign, and until
Paris should be equally rid of factions and all foreign troops.
I wound up these explanations by telling the king that if he
decided to act differently, it would be impossible for me to con-
tinue to direct his affairs. I placed my resignation in his hands
and then withdrew, having given him the subjoined memoir.^
It is a resume o{ our labours at the congress, and a statement of
the measures I deemed necessary, to repair the faults committed
during the first Restoration.

Report made to the King during his journey from
Ghent to Paris.
Sire,

In April, 1814, France was occupied by three hundred
thousand foreign troops, with five hundred thousand more ready
to follow them. She had but a handful of her own soldiers left,
who had performed prodigies of valour, but who were now fairly
worn out. Abroad she had large armies, but these dispersed
and without communications could no longer be of any use to
her, nor even assist each other. One portion of these forces
was shut up in distant towns, which they could hold for a longer
or shorter period ; but which would inevitably fall if simply
invested. Two hundred thousand Frenchmen were prisoners of

^ This resignation did not take place then. M. de Tallyrand did not resign till
September 24th.

THE SECOND RESTORATION. 131

war. In such a state of affairs it became necessary at any price
to cease hostilities by concluding an armistice. This was done
on the 23rd of April.^

The armistice was not merely a necessity, it was an act of
great policy, for it was necessary above all, that the power of the
allies should be succeeded by a feeling of confidence, and for this
it was essential to inspire them with it. The armistice moreover
deprived them of nothing which they had the least hopes of
preserving. Those who believed that by delaying the surrender
of the fortified towns until the conclusion of peace, better terms
could have been made, either ignored or forgot the fact, that,
setting aside the impossibility of obtaining an armistice for
France without surrendering those towns, any attempt to pro-
long their occupation would have excited the suspicion of the
allies, and consequently changed their intentions.

The arrangements agreed upon were such as France could
well be satisfied with. They were much more favourable than she
had any right to expect. The allies were welcomed as liberators,
and the praises lavished on their generosity stimulated them to
show more. It was necessary to profit by this sentiment while
it was favourable, and not allow it to cool. It was not enough
to obtain, cessation of hostilities ; it was necessary to induce
them to evacuate French territory. It was imperative that
the interests of France should be fully settled, and that there
should be no uncertainty as to her fate, so that your Majesty
could then and there take the position which was yours by
right. To make peace on the best possible terms, and to draw
therefrom all the advantages that it would bring, its immediate
signature was essential.

By the treaty of May 30th France only lost what she had
conquered, and not even all that she had gained in the course
of the conflict which it brought to an end. It took nothing
from her that was essential to her safety. She lost the means
of ruling which were foreign to her happiness, and which she
could not retain, coupled with the advantages of a durable
peace. In order to form a fair estimate of the character of the
peace of 18 14, it is necessary to consider the impression it made
^ Var. \ 22n(i April.

K 2

132 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

on the allied nations. At St. Petersburg and Berlin the Em-
peror Alexander and the King of Prussia were not only received
with coldness, but with murmurs of discontent, because the
treaty of May 30th did not fulfil the expectations of their subjects.
France had everywhere levied heavy war contributions, and it
was quite expected that these in return would be levied on her.
She was required to pay none ; she remained in possession of
all the art treasures she had acquired ; all her monuments were
respected, and it is not too much to say, that she was treated
with a degree of moderation which under similar circumstances
has no parallel in history.

All the direct interests in France had been provided for,
while those of other states remained subordinate to the decision
of the future congress. France was summoned to assist at this
congress, but when the plenipotentiaries arrived there, it was
found that the rancour, which the treaty of May 30th ought to
have extinguished, and the prejudices which it ought to have
dispelled, together with the possible regrets which still lingered
with the Powers, had, since its conclusion, sprung up afresh,
therefore the Powers continued to call themselves allies as if
the war was still going on.

Being the first to arrive in Vienna, these Powers had under-
taken by written protocols (the existence of which the French
legation suspected from the first, but was unable to make sure
of till four months afterwards) not to admit the intervention of
France, except as a matter of form.

Two of these protocols, which are before your Majesty, and
which are dated September 22nd, 1814,1 stipulated in substance —
" That the allied powers will take the initiative in all matters
that have to be discussed ; [under the name of allied powers
only Austria, Russia, England, and Prussia were named, because
these four powers were more closely allied together than any
others, as much by their treaties as by their views].

" That they alone should arrange between them the distribu-
tion of the disposable provinces, but that France and Spain
should be allowed to give their opinions, and bring forward their
objections, which would then be di.scussed with them.

^ See d'Angeberg's Congress of Vienna, p. 249.

THE SECOND RESTORATION. 133

" That the plenipotentiaries of the four Powers would not
confer with those of the two Powers on any matter relating to
the territorial distribution of the duchy of Warsaw, that of
Germany or that of Italy, until they had fully decided and
were perfectly agreed among themselves on these three points."

It was intended, in fact, that France should play a purely
nominal part at the congress. She was simply to be a spectator
of what was being done by the others, instead of taking part in
it herself; she was still an object of distrust, nourished by the
recollection of her numerous invasions, and of animosity ex-
cited by the many evils with which she had only recently over-
whelmed Europe. She was still feared ; her power was still
dreaded ; and it was thought that peace could only be secured
by forming a European union against her ; in fact, the coalition
still existed.

Your Majesty will permit me to recall the earnestness with
which, on every occasion, I maintained and tried to persuade
even the highest officers in the army, that it was for the in-
terest of France, as well as their own glory, to renounce willingly
all thoughts of regaining Belgium and the left bank of the
Rhine. I believed that unless this patriotic sacrifice was made,
there could be no peace between France and Europe, and as
a fact, although France no longer owned these provinces, her
power and grandeur held Europe in such a state of terror, that
she was obliged to preserve a hostile attitude.

So great is our power, that now, when Europe is at her
maximum strength and France at her minimum,' the former
still doubts the success of the struggle she has undertaken. My
opinions on this matter were only the expressions of your
Majesty's sentiments, but most of your principal statesmen, the
worthiest writers, the army, and the greater part of the nation
did not share these moderate views, without which any durable
peace or even the semblance of it was impossible ; and these
ambitious views, which with some reason were looked upon as
those of France, served still further to increase and justify the
terror her strength inspired.

It was on this account that the public journals teemed with
insinuations and accusations against France and her plenipoten-

134

THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLE YRAND.

tiaries. They remained isolated, no one ventured to approach
them ; even the few ministers who did not share these prejudices,
avoided them lest they too should be compromised. Everything it
was proposed to do was carefully hidden from us ; conferences were
held without our knowledge ; and when at the commencement of
the congress a commission was appointed to organize the German
federation, all the ministers who composed it were pledged on
honour, not to communicate to us anything that passed there.

Although your Majesty's government had none of the views

imputed to it, although it had nothing to ask for itself and had

no wish to ask for anything, all that was to be arranged by the

congress was of the utmost importance to it. But if its interests

in these arrangements differed from the actual or momentary

interests of some of the Powers, it was happily in conformity with

those of the majority, and even with the permanent interests of all.

Buonaparte had overthrown so many governments, added so

much territory and so many diverse populations to his empire,

that when France ceased to be the enemy of Europe and

returned within the limits beyond which she could not preserve

friendly relations with other states, there were, in almost every

part of Europe, vast countries without any governments. The

states which he had despoiled without wholly destroying them,

could not recover the provinces they had lost, because these had

in part passed under the rule of princes who had since then

become allies. It therefore became necessary that the countries

without rulers (owing to their renunciation by France), should have

some kind of government, and in order to indemnify the states

which had been despoiled by her, that these countries should be

divided among them. However repugnant or degrading to

humanity such a distribution of men and countries may be, it

was rendered indispensable through the violent usurpations of

a government, which, using its strength merely to destroy, had

brought about the necessity for reconstruction from the debris

it had left.

Saxony was conquered, the kingdom of Naples was in
possession of a usurper, and it was necessary to determine the
fate of these states.

The treaty of Paris declared that these arrangements would

THE SECOND RESTORATION. 135

be carried out in such a manner as to establish a real and durable
equilibrium in Europe. None of the powers denied the
necessity of having to conform to this principle, but the special
views of some, deceived them as to the means of accomplishing
this object. On the other hand it would have been useless to
establish this equilibrium, without at the same time constituting
those principles, which alone could ensure the domestic tranquil-
lity of the states, while at the same time preventing their being
solely under the dominion of the strongest, in their relations one
with another.

Your Majesty on re-entering France, desired that principles
of political morality should return with you, and become the
rule of your government. Your Majesty felt it was also
necessary they should pervade in the cabinets, and show them-
selves in the relations between the different states, and you had
commanded us to use all the influence your Majesty possessed
and to devote all our energies, to obtain their complete
recognition by the whole of Europe.

This task presented many difficulties. The effects of the
revolution were not confined merely to French territory, they
had spread themselves abroad by force of arms, by the
encouragement given to every kind of passion, and by general
licentiousness. Holland and several parts of Italy had, at
different periods, seen revolutionary governments replace
legitimate ones. Since Buonaparte had become master of
France, not only was the fact of conquest sufficient to do
away with sovereignty, but people became accustomed to
seeing sovereigns dethroned, governments annihilated, and
whole nations disappear entirely by simple decrees.

Although such a state of affairs, if allowed to continue, must
necessarily lead to the total destruction of civilized society,
custom and fear made people still endure it, and as it was
favourable to the momentary interests of some of the powers,
the others did not sufficiently dread the reproach of taking
Buonaparte for their model.

We pointed out all the dangers of this false policy. We
showed that the existence of all the governments was com-
promised in the highest degree by a system in which the'-

136 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

preservation depended either on faction or the fate of war.
We at last made them see that it was above all necessary, in
the interests of the nations, to establish the legitimacy of
governments, because legitimate governments can alone be
stable, while those that are illegitimate, having no other support
than that of violence, fall as soon as this support is withdrawn,
and the nation falls a prey to a succession of revolutions of
which it is impossible to see the end.

These principles were long in being understood, being too
severe for the politics of some courts ; they were opposed to the
policy followed by the English in India, and perhaps irksome to
Russia, as she had disowned them in several important and
recent contracts. Before we succeeded in making their import-
ance felt, the allied powers had already made arrangements
which were quite opposed to them. Prussia had demanded the
whole of Saxony, Russia had asked this for her. England had
by official notes, not only consented unreservedly to this transfer,
but even tried to make out that it was fair, and a matter of
necessity. Austria had also officially given in her adhesion to
this measure, excepting only some frontier stipulations. Saxony
was thus completely sacrificed by special arrangements entered
into between Austria, Russia, England and Prussia, to which
France was a complete stranger.

Nevertheless the language of the French embassy, its reason-
able, serious, and uniform attitude, free from all ambitious aims,
began to make itself felt. Confidence began to spring up
around it. It was felt that its utterances were not more in the
interests of France than in those of Europe and of each par-
ticular state. People's eyes were opened to the dangers France
had pointed out. Austria was the first to desire to withdraw
from what had, if I may say so, been decided upon relative
to Saxony, and declared in a note sent to Prince Hardenberg
on December loth, 18 14, that she would not consent to the
destruction of that kingdom.

This was the first advantage obtained by us in following
the line laid down by your Majesty.

I blame myself for having so constantly, in the letters I had
the honour of writing to your Majesty, complained of the

THE SECOND RESTORATION. 137

difficulties we had to contend with and of the delays which
constantly impeded the progress of affairs. Now I am thankful
for these delays, for if matters had been concluded with greater
rapidity, the congress would have terminated before the end of
March, the sovereigns would have returned to their capitals,
the armies would have been disbanded, and then what difficulties
there would have been to encounter !

M. de Metternich having officially communicated to me his
note of December loth, I could make known the views of France,
and I therefore sent both to him and to Lord Castlereagh, a full
profession of political faith. I declared that your Majesty
desired nothing for France, that you only asked for simple justice
for every one, and that what you wanted above all, was that
revolutions should be put an end to, that the doctrines these
had given rise to should no longer be allowed to enter into the
political relations of nations, so that each government could
either prevent or crush them completely, if menaced or attacked
by them.

These declarations served to dissipate the doubts of which
we were at first the victims. But these soon gave place to very
different sentiments ; nothing was done now without our con-
currence, not only were we consulted, but our approbation was
sought after. Public opinion was completely changed respecting
us, and shoals of people, who before had shown themselves
timid, now hastened to put an end to the isolation in which we
had at first been left.

It was more difficult for England than it had been for
Austria, to go back from her promise to Prussia, of giving up to
her the whole of Saxony. Her notes were more decided ; she
had not, like Austria, given in to the surrender, because of the
difficulty of finding any other means of indemnifying Prussia,
by possessions equally conveniently situated, for the losses she
had sustained since 1806. Moreover, the position of the English
ministers obliged them, under pain of losing ^what is called in
England their character, not to diverge from the path they have
once entered upon, and in choosing this road, their politics must
always conform to the probable opinions of Parliament. Not-
withstanding this, the English legation was also brought to

138 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

reconsider its promise, to change its line of action, to withdraw
its acquiescence in the destruction of the kingdom of Saxony,
to improve its relations with France, and even to join her in a
treaty of alliance with Austria. The treaty, specially remark-
able as being the first conciliatory step whose joint interests
would sooner or later oblige them to support each other, was
signed on the 3rd of January. Bavaria, Holland, Hanover and
the Netherlands also joined, and it was only then that the
coalition, which in spite of the peace had continued to exist, was
finally broken up.

From that moment the greater number of the Powers adopted
our principles. The others showed, plainly, that they would not
hold out much longer ; it therefore only remained to press the
point

Prussia deprived of the support of Austria and England,
though still backed by Austria, found herself under the necessity
of limiting her pretensions to receiving only a portion of Saxony.
Thus this kingdom, whose fate seemed irrevocably settled and
whose destruction had been pronounced, was saved from ruin.

Buonaparte after having taken possession of the kingdom of
Naples by force of arms, had given it, (in defiance of the law of
nations, and as if it were a private possession of his own, or as
he would have done with an ordinary estate,) to one of his
generals as a reward for services rendered. It would have been
nothing less than a violation of the laws of legitimacy to allow
the possession of that kingdom under such a law. His downfall
was inevitable ; it could no longer be doubtful, when he himself
accomplished it by his aggression. Seven weeks have scarce
elapsed since this aggression, and the usurper no longer reigns ;
Ferdinand IV. has already remounted his throne. In this im-
portant question the English minister had the courage to side
completely with the policy of France, despite the indiscreet and
misplaced clamours of the opposition, and the foolish and
inconsiderate utterances of English travellers on all matters
relating to Italy.

France has also to congratulate herself on the way in which
most of the other arrangements of the congress have been
carried out.

THE SECOND RESTORATION. 139

The King of Sardinia having no male heir in the actual
reigning branch of his house, there was some fear lest Austria
should attempt to get the succession passed on to one of the
Archdukes who had married one of his daughters, by which the
whole of upper Italy would then be placed in the hands of
Austria or one of her princes. The right of succession of the
branch of Carignan to the states of the King of Sardinia, has
been acknowledged. These states, increased by the district of
Genoa, and being the heritage of a family whose every interest
attaches to France, will thus form a counterpoise to the power
of Austria in Italy, necessary to maintain the equilibrium in
that country.

If it was not possible to prevent Russia from obtaining some
portion of the duchy of Warsaw, the half at least of that duchy
will go back to its ancient owners.

Prussia has not got either Luxemburg or Mayence. She
does not anywhere border on France ; on all sides she is sepa-
rated by the Netherlands, whose natural policy since her
territory has been augmented, gives France the assurance that
there will be nothing to dread from her.

The benefits of perpetual neutrality have been assured to
Switzerland, an advantage almost as great for France, whose
frontier on that side is perfectly open and undefended, as to
Switzerland herself. But this neutrality does not prevent
Switzerland from joining Europe to-day in her efforts against
Buonaparte. What she has desired and what has been assured to
her for ever, she will enjoy during any wars that may take place
between the different states. But she herself felt that she ought
not to claim this privilege in a war which is not made against
a single nation ; a war which Europe has been forced to under-
take for her own safety, and which concerns Switzerland herself
as much as it does other nations. She is, therefore, desirous to
join in the cause of Europe in such a manner, as her position,
her organisation, and her resources will allow her to do.

France has, by the treaty of Paris, undertaken to abolish the
slave-trade at the expiration of a given date, which may be con-
sidered as a sacrifice and a concession she would have made, even
if the other maritime Powers which do not share in the sentiments

140 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

of humanity which dictated this measure, had not also adopted
it. Spain and Portugal, the only ones among these Powers who
joined in this treaty, undertook to abolish it as well as France.
It is true they reserved to themselves a longer period of delay,
but this delay is proportionately less, when the needs of their
colonies are taken into consideration, and when it is remem-
bered that in these somewhat backward countries, opinion on
such a matter has to be educated.

The navigation of the Rhine and the Schelde has been placed
under proper regulations, equally the same for all nations.
These regulations prevent the states bordering on the rivers,
from placing any special obstruction in the way of the naviga-
tion, or imposing upon it any dues other than those which have
been established for their own people. These arrangements
give back to France, by the facilities which they afford to her
commerce, the greater part of those advantages which she
formerly derived from Belgium and the right bank of the Rhine.

All the principal points have been arranged to the satisfac-
tion of France, as much and more, perhaps, than we could have
hoped for. Even in details quite as much consideration was
shown for her special convenience, as that of any other country.

Having got rid of their prejudices, the Powers found that
in order to establish a permanent order of things, it was necessary
that each state should feel it had gained those advantages it had
a right to expect. All therefore worked together with goodwill
to procure for each, what would not harm the other. This was
a stupendous undertaking ; it meant the reconstruction of that
which twenty years of disorder had destroyed ; it meant the
conciliation of contradictory interests by equitable arrangements,
the compensation of partial ^ inconveniences by greater advan-
tages, and to subordinate even the idea of absolute perfection in
political institutions and in the distribution of the forces, to the
establishment of a durable peace.

The 'principal obstacles had been successfully overcome,
the most thorny questions had been settled, every effort was
made to leave nothing undecided. Germany was to receive a
federal constitution resulting from the deliberations of the

' Suppressed in the text of the archives.

THE SECOND RESTORATION. 141

congress, which would have arrested the tendency observable
among some, to form a league of the north and a league of the
south. The powers were about to oppose by wise and just
measures in Italy, an efficient barrier to the recurrence of those
frequent revolutions which have harassed the people of that
country for centuries. Wise measures were being concerted to
insure the reciprocal interests of the different countries, and to
multiply their points of contact, as well as the revenues of their
industries and commerce, and all useful intercourse was perfected
and facilitated, according to the principles of a liberal policy.

We flattered ourselves in fact that the congress would crown
its labours, by substituting for these fleeting alliances (the result
of necessities and momentary calculations) a permanent system
of universal guarantees and general equilibrium, the advan-
tages of which we had succeeded in making all the powers
appreciate. Lord Castlereagh had drawn up a very good
document on this subject. The Ottoman Empire entered into
this great scheme of preservation, and probably the information
given her by England and ourselves, contributed in determining
her to repulse all Buonaparte's advances ; thus the order estab-
lished in Europe would be placed under the perpetual protection
of all the parties interested, who by wisely concerted plans, or
by sincerely united efforts would crush at the very outset,
any attempt to compromise it.

Then revolutions would be prevented, and governments would
be able to devote their time to home administration and real
reforms, in conformity with the needs and wishes of the people,
and in the execution of numerous salutary schemes, which, owing
to the dangers and convulsions of past times, had unfortunately
been in abeyance.

The re-establishment of your Majesty's government, whose
interests, principles, and wishes were all directed towards the
preservation of peace, afforded Europe the means of placing her
happiness and tranquillity on a solid basis. The maintenance
of your Majesty on your throne was necessary to the success of
this great work ; the terrible catastrophe which for a time has
separated you from your people has acted as a check. It has
been found necessary to bestow less care on the prosperity of

142 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

nations, and devote more to finding measures for the safety of
their existence, which was menaced. Many matters ready
planned, had to be adjourned, and others less matured and less
thought out, than if full care and attention could have been
given them, had to be substituted.

The congress having thus been forced to leave uncompleted
the work it had undertaken, it was suggested that the signature
of the Act that would ratify it, should be put ofif until such time
as the business should be completed.

Several of the cabinets were of this opinion, probably with
the secret hope of taking advantage of the coming events. I
looked upon this adjournment as a very great misfortune for
your Majesty ; less on account of the uncertainty that would
remain as to the intentions of the Powers, than as to the effect
such an act would have on public opinion in France, affecting
as it would, all the highest interests of Europe, and in which,
despite the actual circumstances, your Majesty appears as one
of the principal actors. I therefore did my utmost to accom-
plish the ratification, and I consider myself fortunate that it
was finally agreed to.

The great consideration in which your Majesty's govern-
ment ought to be held at all foreign courts, would not be
complete, except by securing to your subjects that esteem which
belongs by right to the members of a great nation and of which
the fear inspired by the French had deprived them. Since
the month of December, 1814, not a single Frenchman has
come to Vienna, no matter on what business, without receiving
the greatest possible attention, and I may inform your Majesty
that on March 7th, 1815, the day on which the news of Buona-
parte's arrival in France became known, the fact of being a
Frenchman became a passport to the kindness of every one in
Vienna. I knew the great stress your Majesty laid on this
evidence of good feeling and I am happy to be able to inform
you, that your wishes in this respect have been thoroughly
carried out.

I entreat your Majesty to allow me to bring to your notice
the great assistance given me by the Due de Dalberg, the Comte
de la Tour-du-Pin, and the Comte de Noailles, whom your

THE SECOND RESTORATION. 143

Majesty sent here with me as ambassadors ; Hkewise M. de la
Besnardiere, who accompanied me, in bringing the negotiations
to a successful issue. They have not only been of the greatest
use by their work on the different commissions to which they
were attached, but also by their social qualities, their language
and the pleasant impression they gave of themselves as well as
the government they represented. It is owing to their skilful
co-operation, that I was enabled to overcome so many obstacles,
to change so many adverse dispositions, and destroy numerous
false impressions, and finally to restore to your Majesty's
government all the weight and influence it ought to have in the
affairs of Europe. It was only by firmly maintaining the prin-
ciples of legitimacy that we attained this important end. The
presence of all the sovereigns who were in Vienna and likewise
all the members of the congress, at the expiatory ceremony of
the 2 1st of January, was a striking homage rendered to this
principle.

But while it triumphed at the congress, it was attacked in
France. What I am about to say to your Majesty on this
subject, was probably more evident at a distance than it was
in Paris. Outside of France, attention being less distracted
facts became known en masse, and being separated from sur-
rounding circumstances could, to a certain extent, be judged
more fairly ; nevertheless I would not rely implicitly on any
observations that were merely my own. Having filled a position
abroad for a long time, my duty to your Majesty obliges me to
do what the Foreign Office enjoins on all those in its employ.
They are bound to render an account of the opinions formed by
the countries to which they are accredited, of the various acts
of their own government, and the different impressions produced
by these acts, on enlightened and able men.

It is quite possible to become reconciled to a settled state of
affairs, even if it jars somewhat with one's principles, because
one need not dread the future ; but not to an unsettled state of
things, which changes every day, for in this latter case, each day
brings forth fresh fears, to which one can see no end. The
Revolutionists took their stand against the first acts of your
Majesty's government, then they became alarmed at what was

144 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

done in the course of ten days, a month — six months — and
resigned themselves to the expulsions in the Senate/ but could
not tolerate those of the Institute,^ although these latter were
far less important. The changes made in the Court de Cassation ^
since your Majesty considered them necessary, ought to have
been effected eight months before.

The principle of legitimacy suffered still further, and in
perhaps a still more dangerous manner, from the faults of the
defenders of legitimate power, for they confused two things so
completely opposite, as the source of power, and its exercise,
persuading themselves (or acting as if they were so persuaded)
that as the power was legitimate, it must therefore necessarily
be absolute.

But however legitimate power may be, its exercise must vary
according to the object to which it is applied, both as regards
time and circumstance. Furthermore the spirit of the times in
which we live, requires that in all civilized states, supreme power
is never to be exercised, except in concert with certain bodies
from the midst of the society it governs.

To contend against this opinion would be to contend against
universal opinion ; and a great number of those persons placed
near the throne, were essentially injurious to the government,
because their views were in opposition to it. All your Majesty's
power was based on the opinion formed by the people of your
virtues and good faith. This some acts tended to weaken. I

■■ The Chamber of Peers created by Louis XVIII. consisted of 504 members, of
whom eighty-four were old senators ; fifty-three senators were excluded — twenty-three as
being no longer Frenchmen, and the other thirty for political reasons. Among the
latter the best known were Cambaceres Chaptal de Lapparent, Cure Fouche, Sieges
Roger-Ducos, Franfois de Neufchateau, the Abbe Gregoire, Gorat, Lambrechts
Roederer, Cardinal Fesch, &c.

- By the proclamation of the joth of March the fourth class of the Institute — that
of the Fine Arts — was suppressed. In addition, Prince Lucien, Cardinal Fesch,
Cardinal Maury, Cambaceres, Gorat, Marlin, Roederer, and Sieges were excluded
from the French Academy ; the Emperor Napoleon, Mouge, Guyton de Morneau, and
Camot from the Academy of Sciences ; King Joseph, Lakanal, and the Abbe
Gregoire from the Academy of Inscriptions. *

'^ The highest Court of Appeal in France. By the proclamation of February t6th,
1815, the composition of this Court underwent the following modifications : — The
first President, the Comte Muraire, was replaced by M. Deseze. Of the three
presidents two remained — M. Barris and M. Heurion de Pensey. The third,
M. Mourre, was made Attorney-General, in place of Merlin de Douay, dismissed,
and was replaced by M. Brisson. As for the judges, fourteen of them were deprived
of their seats.

* The Academy of Inscriptions and Belle Leitres, was founded by Colbert. Translator.

THE SECOND RESTORATION. 145

will only cite as an instance the forced constructions and
subtilties, by which some of the conditions of the constitutional
charter seemed to be evaded ; particularly in the ordinances
which subvert the institutions founded on the laws.'^ Then arose
doubts as to the sincerity of the government ; it was thought
that the charter was only regarded as a temporary act, granted
under the exigencies of circumstances, and which it was pro-
posed to allow to fall into disuse, if representative vigilance
would permit it. Reactions were dreaded, and some nomina-
tions justified these fears ; for example, the appointment of
M. de Bruges ^ to the Chancellorship of the Legion of Honour
(whatever his personal qualities might have been) displeased
every one in France, and I may tell your Majesty, also astonished
every one in Europe.

The general state of uneasiness attracted all those to the
revolutionary party, who without sharing its errors, were at-
tached to constitutional principles, and also all those who were
interested in the maintenance, not of the doctrines of revolution,
but of that which had been effected by their influence.

It is more owing to this cause than from any real attachment
to his person, that Buonaparte succeeded in finding some
partisans outside the army, and even a great number of those
he possessed in the army ; because having been brought up
in the midst of the Revolution, they were attached by various
ties ^ to the men who were the chief actors in it.

However great the advantages of a legitimate government
may be, it is impossible to deny the fact, that it is also liable to
great abuses, and on this point, opinion is very strong ; for during
the twenty years that preceded the Revolution, the tendency ol
all political writings has been to make them known and to

^ This alludes to the police proclamation of June 7th, 1814, respecting the
observance of Sundays and fetes, as being a violation of the charter which had
guaranteed religious freedom.

2 Henry Alphonse, Vicomte de Bruges, bom 1764, became Naval Lieutenant in
1 789. He emigrated, and served in Conde's army ; later on he was attached to the
English army. In 1815 he was appointed Brigadier-General and Grand Chancellor
of the Legion of Honour, in place of M. de Pradt. He died in l8zo.

3 Text : ' ' Parce que eleves avec la revolution ils etaient attaches par toutes sortes
de liens" = as translated. Var. : " Parce que Hevi avec la revolution il etait attacM
par toute sorte de liens " = " because having been brought up in the midst of the
revolution, he was attached by various ties."

VOL III. L

146 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

exaggerate them. Few people really know how to appreciate
the advantages of legitimacy, for they are still in the future.
Whereas all the world can see abuses, for they crop up at any
moment and show themselves on every occasion. Who, during
the last twenty years, has given time enough to reflection, to
realize, that if a government is not legitimate it cannot be
stable ; that in offering to all ambitious spirits the hope of over-
throwing it, in order to replace it by another, it is always being
threatened and bears within it a revolutionary ferment ready to
burst forth at any moment .'' The impression unfortunately
exists in people's minds, that legitimacy in assuring the crown
to the sovereign, no matter how he governs, gives him too great
facilities to place himself above the laws.

With this disposition, which is now found in every nation,
and at a time when all things are examined, discussed, and
analysed, political subjects above all, people ask themselves, what
is legitimacy, whence has it sprung, and what constitutes it ?

During the period when religious sentiments were deeply
engraved on human hearts, and when they exercised an all-power-
ful influence on the mind, men might have believed that the
sovereign power was indeed a divine gift. They might have
believed that the families placed by Heaven on thrones which
they had occupied, by its will, for a length of time, reigned over
them by divine right ; but in these days, when there hardly
remains the faintest trace of these sentiments, and the bonds of
religion if not entirely broken, are at least ^ relaxed, such a
theory of legitimacy is no longer tenable.

The general opinion of the present day (and it would be vain
to try to weaken it) is that governments exist only for the people ;
a necessary consequence of this opinion is, that the only legiti-
mate power is that which can best secure their happiness and
peace. Hence it follows that the only legitimate power is that
which has existed for a long succession of years, in fact a power
strengthened by the respect due to the recollection of the past,
and by the attachment which is natural among men for the
dominant race (having for it the old feeling of possession which
is a right in the eyes of every one, being that of the law which

^ Var. : "Hen" relache = " much relaxed. "

THE SECOND RES TOR A TION. 147

governs private property), and therefore exposes the people more
rarely than any other, to the fatal risks of revolution. It is to
such a power therefore that their dearest interests compel them
to submit ; but if unfortunately any cause is given to induce the
belief, that the abuses of this power are greater than the advan-
tages derived from it, legitimacy is then looked upon as a
chimera.

What then is needed to give people confidence in legitimate
authority and to preserve to this authority the respect which
insures its stability ? It is sufficient, but also indispensable,
that it should be constituted in such a manner that all causes
for fear which it may inspire should be eliminated. It is no less
in the interests of the sovereign than of his subjects that it should
be thus constituted, because absolute power in these days would
be as heavy a burden to him who wields it, as to those who
are under its influence.

Before the Revolution, power in France was restricted by
ancient institutions, it was modified by the action of the large
body of the magistracy, the clergy, and the nobility, who, were
necessary elements to its existence, and of whom it made use for
the purpose of governing. Now that all these institutions are
destroyed, and these great means of governing are annihilated,
others must be found, of which public opinion will not disapprove ;
and it is even necessary it should itself point them out.

Formerly, religious influence could support royal authority ;
it can do so no longer, now that religious indifference has per-
vaded all classes, and become almost universal. Royal authority
can therefore only derive support from public opinion, and to
obtain this it must be in accord with that opinion.

It will have this support, if the people see that the govern-
ment, though all powerful to do good, can do nothing to the
contrary. But they must also have the certainty that there is
nothing arbitrary in its proceedings. The mere desire to do
good will not suffice ; such a desire might change, or mistaken
measures might be employed, to achieve its end. It is not enough
that confidence should be based merely on the virtues and noble
qualities of the sovereign, which like himself are perishable, it is
necessary to found it on the strength of permanent institutions ;

L 2

HS the memoirs of prince TALLEYRAND.

it needs even more than this. No institutions, no matter what
their nature, could insure happiness to a nation, or even inspire
it with any confidence, if they did not establish such a form
of government, as would in the general opinion of the times
be considered the only fitting one to attain the end in view.

Guarantees are required, both for the sovereign and for the
people, but they will not be believed to exist unless :
(a) " Individual liberty is legally safe from all attacks."
{b) " The liberty of the press is fully assured, and the law
does not hesitate to punish its misdemeanours."

(d) " Legal judgments are not in certain cases reserved to
be dealt with by the administration or any bodies other than
the courts of justice."

(e) " The ministers are fully responsible for the proper
exercise of the power with which they are intrusted."

(/) " No other persons except those actually I'esponsible, are
permitted to influence the councils of the sovereign."

Finally, " Unless the law is the outcome of a will formed by
the union of three distinct wills."

In large and ancient communities where the intellectual
capacity is developed with the needs, and the passions with the
intelligence, it is necessary that public authority should acquire
a proportionate strength, and experience has proved, that it is
strengthened by being divided.

These opinions are no longer confined to one country. They
are common to almost all. It is for this reason that constitutions
are asked for everywhere, the need is everywhere felt of establish-
ing something analogous to the more or less advanced state of
political society, and preparations are everywhere being made to
this end. The congress did not give Geneva back to Sardinia,
Lucca to the Infanta Marie Louise of Spain, restore Naples
to Ferdinand IV., nor return the legations to the Pope, without
stipulating for such arrangements for those states, as their actual
condition seemed to permit or require. I have not met a single
sovereign or a single minister, who dismayed by the results,

^ Text : inamovihles = irremovable.

THE SECOND RESTORATION. 149

that must befall Spain under the system of government carried
out by Ferdinand VII., did not bitterly regret that the latter
should have been allowed to regain his throne without the con-
dition being made by Europe, that he should give his states such
institutions as were in harmony with the ideas of the times.
I have even heard sovereigns, whose people were too little
advanced in civilization, to appreciate institutions suitable to a
high degree of culture, lament over this, as if it were a misfortune
from which they suffered themselves.

I have gathered these opinions in the midst of the delibera-
tions of assembled Europe, I have come across them in every
conversation I have had with the sovereigns and their ministers.
They are expressed in all the letters written by the Austrian and
Russian ambassadors to London, and also in those of Lord
Castlereagh. It was my duty therefore to submit this report to
your Majesty. I felt I could still less avoid doing so, when the
sovereigns in the farewell audiences accorded to me, all advised
my telling your Majesty that they were perfectly convinced that
France would never be at peace, if your Majesty did not fully
share these opinions and take them as the sole rule for your
government. That everything in France must, without exception,
be obliterated, that any exclusion would be dangerous, and no
guarantees would be found for the sovereign, until he gave them
to all parties, and that these guarantees would not be sufficient
unless they were accepted as such by all classes of society ; that
it seemed absolutely necessary to adopt some complete system
which would restore and render evident, the sincerity of each
party ; which would from the commencement clearly show the
object the government had in view, and which would enable
every one to understand his proper position and leave no one in
any uncertainty. They added, that if your Majesty was interested
more than any one else in maintaining the tranquillity of France,
they in reality were no less so, for the emergency in which your
Majesty is now placed, compromises the existence of all Europe ;
and finally that all the efforts made during the past year would
be very difficult to renew, when once they had returned to their
own countries.

After having read the declaration which your Maiesty lately

I50 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

addressed to your subjects, the sovereigns further informed me
that they had noticed with regret a phrase by which your Majesty
implied (though expressed with much circumspection) that you
had consented to accept their help, from which it might be
inferred that even if you had refused it, peace could still have
been maintained. They fear that from this it may appear to
the people of France, as if your Majesty had wrongfully yielded
to pressure from the sovereigns. They think therefore that in
order not to confirm an opinion so opposed to the interests of
France, it will be advisable for your Majesty as well as for those
around you, to take very little action in the matter. Your
Majesty will have some difficulty in carrying this out, for it means
restraining zeal and even repressing it. According to their view,
your Majesty ought to lament over what is being done, instead of
co-operating with it ; you will have to place yourself (or be
placed by them) between the allied sovereigns and your people,
to lessen as much as lies in your power the evils of war, and to
assure the allies of the loyalty of the fortresses which have been
surrendered, and which according to the arrangements which I
presume your ministers will make with the Duke of Wellington,
will be handed over to persons chosen by yourself. Lastly, they
consider that in order not to appear as provoking a war, or even
desiring to make it yourself, neither your Majesty nor any prince
of your family should be seen with the allied armies. Never
before have politics required such delicate handling.^

' M. de Talleyrand here alludes to the following proclamation, which the king
had signed on June 25th, when he returned to France : —

" Frenchmen,

" From the time when the most wicked of enterprises, seconded by the most
inconceivable defection, obliged us to temporarily quit our kingdom, we have warned
you of the dangers which menaced you if you did not hasten to throw off the yoke of
the tyrant usurper.

" We did not wish to join our arms or those of our family, to those of the instru-
ments which Providence has used to punish this treason. But, now that the powerful
exertions of our allies have dispersed the tyrant's adherents, we hasten to re-enter our
country, in order to re-establish the constitution we have given to France, to repair
by every means in our power the evils which are the necessary result of revolt and war,
to recompense the good, to enforce the law against the guilty, and finally, to gather
round our ancestral throne that large body of Frenchmen, whose fidelity and devotion
have brought such comfort and consolation to our hearts.
" Chateau Cambresis, 25th June, 1815.

" Louis.
" In the name of the King.

" Secretary of State for War, Due de Feltre."

THE SECOND RESTORATION. 151

If owing to the events about to take place, any portion of
France should succeed in escaping from Buonaparte's yoke, I
believe your Majesty could not do better than go thither at
once, take your ministry with you, convoke the chambers and
assume the government of your kingdom, just as if it was
entirely subject again. The plan of an expedition to Lyons
(which I earnestly desire on account of the effective result it
would produce on the southern provinces) might allow this idea
to be carried out with much advantage.

The announcement of the large number of commissioners to
be sent to the armies has not been well received. I believe that
all the steps which your Majesty may take, will have to be in
concert with the allies, almost indeed with their consent. This
deference should aid in placing clearly before them the object
of the war, which I may say, is not quite the same with all the
cabinets. For though England particularly and really desires
your Majesty's return, I am not so sure that Russia would not
prefer some other combinations ; nor can I say that Austria,
though I believe she sides with us, is very eager about it, while
Prussia's first consideration is certainly her own aggrandisement.

Would it not be possible for your Majesty, just as the foreign
troops are about to enter France, to address a second declaration
to your subjects, carefully guarding the French amour propre
which wishes, and with reason, that nothing, not even that which
it most desires, should be due to foreign aid. This declaration
first pointing out that Buonaparte is endeavouring to mislead
the people as to the actual cause and object of the war, might
then go on to state, that it is not on your Majesty's account that
the foreign powers have undertaken it, because they know that
France only needs to be protected from oppression, but that
it is for their own individual security ; that they would not have
undertaken it had they not felt convinced that Europe would be
menaced with the most terrible disasters, as long as the man
who has for so long oppressed it is master of France ; that the

It was this manifesto which had alarmed M. de Talleyrand, and which, having
oeen laid by him before the Council and the Corfs diplomatique, became the subject
of strong representations, which were afterwards submitted by him and the Duke of
Wellington to the king, who gave in, and three days later, on June 28th, issued a
second proclamation, countersigned by Talleyrand, which will be found on p. 156.

IS2 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND^

return of this man to France is the sole cause of the war, and its
immediate and principal object to wrest from him the power he
has thus usurped. And in order to mitigate the evils of war, and
prevent the disasters and arrest devastation, should such occur,
that your Majesty surrounded by Frenchmen, will place your-
self as an intermediary between the foreign sovereigns and your
people, in the hope that the consideration which is accorded
to you, may be utilised for the benefit of your country ; that this
is the only position your Majesty intends to occupy during the
war, and that you do not wish any of the princes of your house
to take service with the foreign armies.

Then passing on to the interior arrangements of France, your
Majesty might make it known, that you are prepared to give
whatever guarantees may be deemed necessary. As the choice
of your ministers is one of the most important you can offer, you
will at once announce a change of ministry. Your Majesty
ought to say that the ministers thus selected will only be
temporarily appointed, because you desire to reserve the forma-
tion of a cabinet until you return to France, so that it may be
one adapted to all parties, all opinions, and calculated to remove
all uneasiness.

Lastly, it would be well if this declaration made some
reference to national property, and in such a manner as to convey
a more positive and more absolute assurance on this subject,
than that contained in the charter of constitution, the provisions
of which have not been sufficient to allay the uneasiness of the
purchasers of such property. As the sale of the public forests
(the produce of which will become much more necessary than
heretofore) has been thereby prevented, it is important just now
to allay all doubts and to give no pretext whatever for them,
but rather to afford every encouragement.

It is generally considered that it would be wise and even
necessary for your Majesty to address your people in this sense,
and I confess to your Majesty that such also is my opinion. I
also think it indispensable that with regard to the guarantees,
your Majesty should make them thoroughly satisfactory. If, as
I venture to hope, your Majesty shares this opinion, you will
no doubt depute some persons who are honoured with j^our

THE SECOND RESTORATION. 153

confidence, to prepare and submit to your Majesty the draft of
this declaration.

I have now given your Majesty a full and exact account of
the result of the negotiations that have taken place during the
Congress and the impressions French affairs have made in Vienna.
It only remains for me to speak of a few details of no great
importance. Since I have been here a mass of papers has
accumulated on my hands. The greater part are not of sufficient
importance to be required again. Your Majesty has copies of
all the others, so that I need not take them away. I have there-
fore burnt a great many and have left the rest in Vienna in safe
keeping.

I am happy to be able to wind up this long business (which
the nature of the matters I had to submit to your Majesty often
rendered very painful to me) by bringing to your notice the zeal
and devotion quite beyond praise, of which your ambassadors
and ministers to the various courts, have given you increasing
proofs during the whole course of the congress. Their position,
difficult at first, from the same causes which threw so many
obstacles in my way at Vienna,^ became still more so later on, in
consequence of the disastrous events which have succeeded each
other since the beginning of March. They however only saw in
these difficulties a further occasion to exhibit the attachment they
feel towards your Majesty. Several of them also have already ^ for
some time past been placed in pecuniary difficulties ; they did
their very utmost to live in accordance "with the different posts
your Majesty had confided to them. Some arrangements will
surely have been made; to mitigate the -circumstances in which
they find themselves.^

Prince de Talleyrand.

This memoir produced as little effect as my words upon the
king, who ordered his horses and proceeded towards France.
I had suggested Lyons as his residence, because it was the second
town in the kingdom and I knew we should not on that side

^ Suppressed in the text of the archives. ^ Hid.

* Var. : " Plusieurs eprouvent des besoins tres pressants"= " Many experience
very pressing '■"""<ls."

1 54 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

come in contact with the Austrian troops. Lyons could also be
quickly reached by the Rhine and Switzerland.

1 remained twenty-four hours at Mons, during which time
messages arrived for me from all parts ; among others I received
the following letter from Prince de Metternich which quite
confirmed me in my opinion.

Mannheim, /z<«a 24, 1815.^

Here, dear Prince, is an address to the French nation
which I have drawn up, and to which Prince Schwartzenberg has
attached his signature. I flatter myself that you will find it
correct both in principle and language, and above all quite in
accordance with our proceedings.^

M. de Vincent, and in default of him M. Pozzo, received
orders to draw attention to the objection raised to the nomina-
tion of royal commissioners to our armies. The matter went
entirely against the king. I refer in this report to what I send
to de Vincent, and I inclose herewith for your private informa-
tion a copy of a letter I wrote to Lord Wellington in answer
to one, in which he desired to prove to me the great benefit that
would result from requisitions made in the name of the king.
I can see nothing in such a step but great inconvenience and
useless complications with the allied generals, besides serious
difficulties as regards home policy. Remain firm to your
idea, make the king go to France, to the south, to the
north, to the west, no matter where, provided only that it is
in his own country, surrounded by Frenchmen, and away from
foreign bayonets and foreign aid. It is sufficient to follow
Buonaparte's system of government to be convinced, that the
great weapon he means to make use of, is emigration.

The king will cease to be an einigi-^^ the day he returns
home to his own people. It is necessary that the king should
rule and that the Royal troops should act at a distance from
the allied armies. As soon as the king has formed a nucleus
at home, we will send all those who desert to our armies, to
him.

Vincent's * wound troubles me greatly. I am in hopes of
hearing from him to know whether I should send you a

^ The allied sovereigns were at that time at Mannheim.

2 See the Moniteur of July loth, 1825.
' Refugee. — Translator.

' The Baron de Vincent was at the time Austrian minister accredited to King
Louis XVIII., and commissioner with the Duke of Wellington ; he was wounded in
the hand on the morning of the battle of Waterloo, which he believed at first to be
lost, and hastened to carry the news to Ghent, and it was not until late in the night
of the iSth and 19th of June that they learnt the victory of the allies.

THE SECOND RES TOR A TION. 1 5 5

substitute, for it is in every way necessary that you should
have some one near you who can act as an intermediary.

Here all goes well; now that the Russian troops are in line
(and this step is a wise and most necessary one) the operations
will be carried on with much vigour. The main body of the
Austrian army will pass the Rhine at Basle on the 25th, that of
Frimont will be in Geneva on the 26th, another army will on
the same day cross the Mont Cenis, and a third will disembark
without ceasing in the south. The advance-guard yesterday
passed the centre of the frontier.

The accounts that have reached us from the interior show
that the fermentation increases everywhere ; Fouche's reports
are sufficient to prove this. I trust soon to see you again,
somehow or other mon Prince.

Always yours,

Metternich.

But at Mons the king's friends harassed me by representing
the dangers he ran, and I was not a little surprised to find
among these ardent followers M. de Chateaubriand, who while
in Vienna, in the end of 18 14, had so bitterly complained of
what was being done in France. He was then dissatisfied with
all the world and with everything ; thought it strange that he
should be sent back to Stockholm as the king's minister, and
ended by declaring that he intended to apply to enter the
Russian service. His letter ought to be in the archives of the
Foreign Office among the papers relating to the Congress of
Vienna. At last, pestered and pursued by those who described
to me the absolute desolation to which the king would be
reduced by his craze to return to the Tuileries, and by the
fears that the strangers amongst whom he would be alone
would take advantage of his position adverse to France, I gave
up my own convictions, and followed the king to Cambray,
to become like him, part of the baggage of the English army.

My arrival at Cambray had at least the result of obtaining
from the king a second public declaration, fitted to allay, if not
to do away with, the evil effects of the unfortunate one which
had been issued on June 25th, at Chateau Cambresis.

This is what I drew up, which the king signed, and which I
countersigned. I even now believe that it was the best that
could be uttered under the circumstances.

IS6 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

Declaration of King Louis XVIII.
Given at Cambray June 2%th, 1815.

Learning that one of the gates of my kingdom is open to me.
I hasten to present myself. I do so in order to recall my mis-
guided subjects ; to mitigate those evils I had desired to
prevent ; to place myself a second time between the allied armies
and the French, in the hope that the feelings of regard of which
I may be the object, may benefit my people. In this way only
have J thought fit to take part in the war. I have not suffered
any prince of my family to appear in the ranks of the foreigners,
and have restrained the ardour of those of my servants who
were able to marshal themselves around me.

Now that I have returned to my native land, I feel great
satisfaction in speaking to my people as a friend. When I
reappeared among them, I found men's minds were disturbed
and carried away by opposing passions. Whichever way I
looked, nothing but difficulties and obstacles presented them-
selves. My government may have made mistakes and probably
has done so, for there are times when the purest motives are
insufficient to guide, and may even occasionally mislead ;
experience alone can teach us ; it will not have done so in vain.
The preservation of France is the object of all my wishes.
Severe trials have taught my subjects that the principle of the
legitimacy of sovereigns is one of the fundamental bases of social
order, the only one on which a great nation and a moderate and
well ordered liberty can be established. This doctrine has now
been proclaimed as that of the whole of Europe. I had already
consecrated it by my charter, and I purpose to add to this
charter all the guarantees which can ensure its success. The
unity of the ministry is the strongest that I can offer. I intend
that it shall be permanent, and that the frank and decided policy
of my council shall secure all interests and quiet all appre-
hensions. Of late the re-establishment of the tithe and feudal
rights has been spoken of ; this fable invented by the common
enemy needs no refutation. It will not be expected that the
King of France should stoop to refute calumnies and falsehoods,
the success of which only too clearly betrays their origin. If
the acquirers of national property are under any apprehensions,
the charter should have sufficed to reassure them. Did I not
myself propose to the Chambers sales of these properties, and
cause them to be completed 1 This proof of my sincerity needs
no comment.

I have of late received from all classes of my subiects equal

THE SECOND RESTORATION. 157

proofs of affection and fidelity ; I would have them know how
deeply I appreciate this ; and it will be my pleasure to select
those who are to be around my person and my family from
among all classes of Frenchmen.

I only intend to exclude from my presence those men
whose reputation is a source of grief to France and of terror to
the rest of Europe. In the conspiracy hatched by these men, I
see many of my subjects who have been misled and a few
who are culpable. I, who as all Europe knows, never promised
anything without fulfilling it, now promise as regards those
Frenchmen who have been misled, to pardon everything that
has taken place from the day when I left Lille in the midst
of so many tears, up to the time when I entered Cambray
amid so many rejoicings. Nevertheless the blood of my subjects
has been shed through treachery such as the annals of Europe
afford no example. This treachery has brought foreigners into
the heart of France, and each day reveals some new calamity to
me, therefore I owe it to the dignity of my throne, to the interest
of my people, and to the repose of Europe, to exempt from
pardon the authors and agents of this detestable conspiracy. They
will be handed over to be dealt with by the two Chambers which
I propose to summon at once.

Frenchmen, these are the sentiments with which I again
appear among you : he, whose sentiments which time cannot
change, misfortune wear out, nor injustice depress, your king,
whose fathers reigned over your fathers, for more than eight
centuries, now returns to devote the rest of his days to defend
and to comfort you.

Louis.
The Prince de Talleyrand.

I nevertheless admit, that I was much disheartened in
having to abandon the hope I had conceived, that by prevailing
upon the king to go to Lyons, an order of things would have
been established by which a recurrence of the events of the 20th
of March would have been averted. I was convinced that France
could only find quiet and freedom in a constitutional monarchy.
The organic law known as the charter, consisting only of a
collection of maxims, applicable to every kind of government,
appeared to me to require for its interpretation a body of
institutions fitted to regulate the affairs of the country. Yet
how was a true constitution to be framed in Paris in the presence
of sovereigns, either absolute or aspiring to be so, and of necessity

IS8 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

not very anxious to see a great country offer an example they
had no wish to follow ? Far from being able to hope that they
would be found favourable to the constitutional system in
France, there was only too much reason to fear, that the party
still holding the principles of the dmigrh, would make use of
them, if not for the immediate accomplishment of their purposes,
at any rate as a preparation for future triumphs.

The king, by only treating with the foreigners at a distance,
and keeping his family about him, would have cut the thread
of every intrigue, and would at any rate, only have returned
to Paris soon enough to have tendered his thanks to the allied
sovereigns, if indeed they had not demanded a price for their
services, which would have freed him from showing any gratitude.
The king would have appeared in his capital with a ministry
already formed. The choice of M. Fouche as minister of police,
which, as I told the king, appeared to me a weakness, would not
at Arnouville "^ have received the support of Monsieur to whom
he presented himself, introduced by the bailli of Crussol as
representing the royalists who had remained in Paris. The
Duke of Wellington would not have considered it necessary,
that in order to check the savage enterprises of General
Bliicher, and to have the glory of being the first to enter
Paris, he should both at Senlis and afterwards at Neuilly have
to confer with M. Fouche, and other intriguers,^ who only
thought of making capital of the power which they no longer

^ A country house near St. Denis where the king spent some days before his
entry into the capital.

''■ The provisional government on the 27th of June appointed an Armistice Com-
mission, composed of General Comte de Valence, peer of France ; General Comte
Andreossy ; M. Flaugergues, deputy; Comte Boissy-d'Anglas, peer of France;
and M. de la Besnardiere. Their instructions, drawn up by M. Bignon, Minister for
Foreign Affairs, authorized them to offer the Somme, with a strong fortress, as the
line of demarcation during the armistice. They were forbidden to respond to any
overtures that might be made to them respecting the future government of France.
The negotiators quitted Paris on the 28th, met Bliicher, who escorted them at Noyon,
and rejoined Wellington on the' 29th at Estrees Saint Denis, a village situated ten
miles north-west of Compiegne, and not at Senlis. This mission had no result
whatever.

Respecting the conferences at Neuilly, M. de Talleyrand has in view the negotia-
tions which preceded the nomination of Fouchi to the Ministry. Fouche several
times met Wellington at Neuilly. He had persuaded him that the obstacles which
■prevented the re-establishment of roy.alty obliged the king to have recourse to men
of the Revolution. The result of these conferences was to induce Wellington to
bring Fouche favourably to the king's notice.

THE SECOND RESTORATION. 159

possessed, and could only give him such advice as tended to
relieve them from their personal embarrassment.^ No sooner

' This is the letter written to me by the Duke of Wellington on the subject. I
retain all the faults of style in this letter, recollecting that the commander-in-chief of
the British army was not bound to write French like a member of the Academy.
Prince,

M. Boissy d'Anglas and General Valence, General Andreossy, M. de la
Besnardiere, and M. de Flaugergues, have been sent to me from Paris to ask for a
suspension of hostilities, and I have had an interview with them of so much interest
to the king, that I think it advisable to write to you without loss of time.

I explained to them that in my opinion the abdication of Napoleon does not offer
such security to the allied powers as would justify a suspension of hostilities ; and
after some further discussion I said to them that I could only look upon our object as
secured, if Napoleon was delivered up to the allies, and Paris occupied by our out-
posts ; and if such a government was established as would give confidence not
only to France but to Europe.

After some hesitation these gentlemen requested me to explain what I meant by
such a government. I told them I had no authority to speak on this subject, but my
private advice would be, to recall the king without any conditions, and that the honour
of France demanded this step, before anyone could suppose that the intervention of
the powers had been the sole occasion of his recall.

AH these gentlemen agreed with me, and though apparently they think that some
changes in the constitution would be necessary, especially as regards the ministry and
the framing of the laws, they admitted it would be better to let the king make these
changes rather than impose them upon him as conditions.

M. de Flaugergues said he did not believe that the two chambers would agree to
the king's recall without conditions. Our conversation then turned upon the manner
of bringing about what everyone desired, without infringing the principles respecting
the quiet, natural and unconditional restoration of the king. During the discussion
we received the king's declaration, dated the 28th, and countersigned by your high-
ness, and these gentlemen consider it admirably fitted to fulfil all our intentions, if the
two articles herewith appended are withdrawn, or at any rate made clearer.

The individuals indicated in article No. I. are the persons included in the late
conspiracy ; but this not being sufficiently explained, it is thought, or it might be
thought, that you therein include the regicides. I opposed this view, because the
king having consented, before his departure, to the principle of employing Fouche,
could not actually refuse to employ either him or any other minister, and the preceding
sentence explains this clearly enough. Nevertheless it would be well to explain it, or
to withdraw it altogether.

Article II. is displeasing to these gentlemen, because it contains a threat. It
appears useless to them because it comprises too many persons, and above all, because
the expressions are stronger than becomes the king, and their opinion is that it should
be suppressed.

They strongly feel as to the words marked in No. III. , and they are of opinion
that the recall of the king will not be effected in the manner most advantageous to his
majesty, and the public welfare, if the chambers learn that they are to be dismissed
at once. I therefore recommend that the words underlined be omitted ; the king will
then have the means of summoning a new assembly or of continuing the present
chambers if he thinks proper. He could not admit, a priori, that the present
chambers constitute a lawful assembly, but there is no necessity for his informing
them to begin with, that they are to be dismissed. Your highness will perceive from
all that has passed, that my wish is to restore the king — ist, unconditionally, 2nd, in
such a manner that it may not appear to be the effect of compulsion by the allies, and
probably you will agree with me that such a result is well worth a few sacrifices.

I am about to see General Bliicher, and will try to persuade him to agree to the
armistice on the conditions stated below. I earnestly hope to receive your reply early
to-morrow. Meanwhile I think the king should come to Roze, leaving a garrison in
Cambrav. Wellington.

i6o THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

therefore had we arrived at Paris, than we met with nothing
but difficulties. We had in the first place to contend against
the outrages and depredations of the Prussians, who, filled
with a long-cherished animosity which they had been unable
to gratify the year before, were now making up for the con-
straint which had then been laid upon them. We were unable to
preserve many warehouses which they plundered, but we saved
the bridge of Jena which they purposed destroying on account of
its name. An admirable letter from the king however saved it.^

A compromise was made, and the bridge of Jena took the
name of the bridge of FEcole Militaire, a designation which
satisfied the savage vanity of the Prussians, and which as a
play of words, is perhaps even a more pointed allusion, than the
original name of Jena.

The Duke of Wellington himself I am sorry to say, headed
those who wished to despoil the museum. Monuments of art
ought perhaps never to have been included in the spoils of our
conquests, and if we were to blame when we carried them off
from other nations, it might have been perfectly just to recover a
portion of them from France in 1814, when she was an enemy ;
but to recover them from France in 1815, when she is an ally,
would be an act of violence. At least it would have been right
to distinguish those works which had been yielded to us by
treaty, apart from those which had not. No distinction was
however made, and all was taken ; and this is what the Duke of
Wellington pretended to justify in a letter in which he lectured
France in the name of morality, of which he constituted himself
the champion, as no doubt he had done, when he served in
India, where his government of course does nothing which is
not highly moral.

1 King Louis XVIII. to the Prince de Talleyrand.

Paris, July 15, 1815. Salurday, 10 o'clock.

I have just learned that the Prussians have mined the bridge of Jena and that
probably they intend to blow it up this very night. The Duke of Otranto has told
General Maison to prevent it by every means in his power, but you know well that he
has none. Do all that is in your power, either by yourself or through the Duke of
Wellington or Lord Castlereagh. As for me, I shall if necessary go to the bridge,
and they can blow me up with it if they choose.

I was very well satisfied with the contribution from the two lords.

Louis.

THE SECOND RESTORATION. i6i

I f nothing further had been intended, than taking pictures and
statues back from France, this letter was unnecessary, and the
Duke of Wellington need not have taken the trouble to write
it ; but it had another object, which was to let us know, that our
deliverers were not so much our allies, as to preclude them from
justly exercising over us all the rights of conquest, and to
prepare us for the demands which the allied Cabinets were
meditating, but which they felt a difficulty in broaching, because
they knew not what name to give to their intentions.

I pause here, as I do not wish to treat of the negotiations I
had to carry on with the allied powers, before reverting to
certain points relating to the home affairs of France, during the
month of July, 1815.

The day after the king's return to Paris, July 9th, a royal
proclamation announced the formation of the new ministry, to
the head of which I was called as President of the Council and
Minister for Foreign Affairs. I had procured the nomination of
Marshal Gouvion ^ as V\''ar Minister, and the Comte de Jaucourt
as Minister of Marine,^ Baron Pasquier as Minister of Justice
and Baron Louis of Finance. It was necessary to counter-
balance the unfortunate choice of the Duke of Otranto, who
had been appointed Minister of Police, in consequence of Louis
XVIIL yielding to the solicitations of Monsieur and the Duke
of Wellington. M. Fouchd, during the Hundred Days, had

1 Laurent, Gouvion-Saint-Cyr, born at Toul in 1764, joined in 1792, became
General of Division in 1794, Commander-in-Chief of the Army of Rome in 1798, and
of that of Naples in 1803. He was but little in favour during the Empire.
Nevertheless he received the JMarshal's bdlon in 1812. In 1813 he capitulated
at Dresden, and was kept a prisoner. In 1814 he again served under Louis XVIIL,
and from 1815 to 1821 was several times War Minister. He died in retirement in
1830.

= Elienne Denis, Baron, afterwards Duke Pasquier, bom in 1767, became
Parliamentary Counsel at Paris in 1 787. Was imprisoned during the Reign of Terror,
and was saved by the 9th Thermidor. In 1806 he was appointed Master of Appeal
to the Council of State, then State Councillor and Prefet of Police (i8io). Under
the first Restoration he became Director-General of Roads and Bridges ; held aloof
during the Hundred Days, became Keeper of the Seals in 1815, then Minister of
State, Privy Councillor, Grand Cross of the Legion of Honour, and President of the
Chamber of Deputies.

On the I2th January, 1817, he was again made Keeper of the Seals. He quitted
the Ministry in September, 1818, and re-entered it in 1819 as Minister of Foreign
Affairs. He retired in December, 1821, and was then made a Peer of France. In
1830 he became President of the Chamber of Peers, then Chancellor of France (1837),
and received at the same time the title of Duke. Duke Pasquier retired into private
life in 1848 and died in 1862.

VOL. III. M

1 62 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

engaged in secret correspondence, first with M. de Metternich,^
then with the Court of Ghent, and finally with the Duke of
Wellington, persuading them all, that he was indispensable to
the restoration of the monarchy, because he held the threads of
all the intrigues that had overthrown it. The confidential
friends of Monsieur, thought they had achieved a great success
in securing for the king so able a man, not seeing that his very
name would be a disgrace to the royalist party, rather than a
terror to the revolutionists.

The Duke of Wellington, deceived by the prejudices current
in England, as to the immense influence of the Due d'Otranto,
thought him alone capable of establishing the king on his throne,
and M. de Metternich was also inclined to this opinion. While
however this choice was pleasing to both the English and
Austrian Cabinets, it could not fail for the same reason to dis-
please the Emperor Alexander, who moreover bore me a grudge,
for having so strongly defended the interests of legitimacy and
of France, at the Congress of Vienna. It had therefore become
essential to smooth down the susceptibilities of this sovereign,
who played so important a part in the coalition, and it was with
this view, that I had proposed to the king, not to fill up the
appointments of Master of his Household and Minister of the
Interior, in order that he might give these posts later on, to two
men who would be acceptable to the Emperor of Russia, namely,
the Due de Richelieu and M. Pozzo de Borgo, who were both
still in the Russian service. M. Pozzo de Borgo is a very clever
man, and as much a Frenchman as Buonaparte, against whom
he cherished a hatred — the hatred of a Corsican which till
then had been the ruling passion of his life. He had been a
member of the Legislative Assembly in 1791, and had thus been
associated with the first events of the French Revolution ; his
presence in the ministry therefore, would only have a reassuring
tendency for all parties with whose views he was in accord,
either on one or another particular point. But this combination
fell through after various consultations had been held. M.

' For the intrigues between Fouche and M. de Metternich, and the curious
negotiation of Basle, consult Thiers (vol. xviii., p. 488, et seq.) and the Memoires
of M. Fleury de Chaboulon {vol. ii., p. 1-42).

THE SECOND RESTORATION. 163

Pozzo preferred to remain in the Russian service, and as for the
Due de Richelieu, I will insert here the correspondence inter-
changed between us on the subject, which will show the grounds
of his refusal.

The Due de Richelieu to the Prince de
Talleyrand.

Paris, July 20, 1815.

MoN Prince,

His Majesty the Emperor of Russia has been pleased
to inform me of the conversation he has had with the king
respecting myself. Feeling assured after what your Highness
did me the honour to tell me the other day, that you. Prince, are
the cause of the request addressed by the king to the emperor, I
have thought it my duty to submit to you the reason for the
irrevocable determination at which I have arrived, and which I
will ask you to be good enough to lay before the king.

I have been absent from France for twenty-four years.
During this long period I have only appeared there for a very
short time on two occasions ; I am a stranger there, both to men
and things, I am ignorant of how public affairs are managed,
everything connected with the administration is unknown to me.
At no time, would it be more indispensable for me to know all
that of which I am ignorant, than in the times in which we now
live. No one is less fitted than I am, to fill a place in the
ministry anywhere, and above all here. I, Prince, know, better
than any one else, what I am worth and for what I am fitted ;
it is perfectly clear to me that I am in no way suited for the
post which is offered me ; so much so, that were I to occupy it,
I feel sure that I could not keep it six weeks. It would be very
painful to me to think that my refusal might produce an un-
favourable impression in the public mind, but I cannot take
blame to myself in the matter, since the nomination was made
without my knowledge, and while I was still at Nancy.

Excuse my frankness. Prince, but I prefer to speak openly to
you as to the resolution I have taken. I must also add further,
that having been for twenty-four years in the Russian service,
and for twelve years employed in a department to which I am
much attached, I could not think of throwing it up at present.

Be good enough, Prince, to lay my excuses and my regrets at
the feet of the king, and accept the homage of those respectful
sentiments with which I have the honour to be your highness's
most humble and obedient servant.

Richelieu.

M 2

l64 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

The Prince de Talleyrand to the Due de
Richelieu.

Paris, July 28, 1815.

Monsieur le Due,

In informing the king of the resolution which you
assure me you have irrevocably taken, I must confess I could have
wished to have been able to justify your grounds for it, better
than you have put me in a position to do.

Yo7i have been long you say, a stranger to men and things in
this cmmtry ; but since revisiting it, you must have observed, that
there is a large number of persons, who though they have never
been away from it, are all the more out of harmony with the
ideas of moderation and prudence, which the king has conceived,
and with which it is his purpose henceforth to inspire his
ministry, and you have the advantage over them of having
conceived these ideas, and carried them out intelligently in
practice, in countries far more strange and new to you, than
France. You foresee great difficulties, but I do not hesitate to
tell you. Monsieur le Due, that in accepting the confidence of the
king, we are none of us blind either to the present, or the future.
We too have seen the immeasurable, and innumerable difficulties,
which every day and every instant must put our zeal and our
ability to the proof

This outlook has alarmed us and still does so ; but we have
seen France overwhelmed with evils, Europe encompassed with
peril, the king's mind a prey to cruel anxiety, and under these
circumstances we felt we had no longer the right to choose.
Finally, Monsieur le Due, you say tha.tj>02i are bound by interests
and engagements to a country you have long served, but permit
me to remind you, that the name you bear has shone with lustre
during two of the most brilliant centuries of our history ; and do
you not think that this glory which is for ever attached to it,
imposes obligations on you, with which other duties can never
effectually compete, and from which at this present time you
dare no longer try to free yourself.?

I have, as you see, delayed answering the letter you did me
the honour of writing ; you will readily understand my reason
for so doing. I had hoped some of these ideas would have pre-
sented themselves to your mind, and would have suggested some
other decision.

I have the honour to be ... .

Prince de Talleyrand.

THE SECOND RESTORATION. 165

I will only make one remark on the Due de Richelieu's
refusal, in which he persisted. Either the reasons he alleged
for refusing the comparatively less important post of master
of the king's household were insufficient, or they were valid ;
how then could he, two months later, become President of the
Council and govern France ?

The refusal of M. Pozzo and the Due de Richelieu rendered
it necessary to appoint M. Pasquier, Keeper of the Privy Seal,
ad interim Minister of the Interior, and the Comte de Pradel
Master of the Household. The king had returned to Paris on
July 8th, and on the 1 3th, a royal proclamation announced the
dissolution of the Chamber of Deputies, and convoked the
Electoral Colleges for August 2Sth.

This proclamation is conceived in such a liberal and prudent
spirit, that it deserves to be recorded.

Proclamation dissolving the Chamber of Deputies
convoked by the electoral colleges, and
MAKING Provisional Regulations for the
Elections.

Louis, by the grace of God, King of France and Navarre, to
all whom these presents may concern, greeting :

We had announced that it was our intention to propose a
law to the Chambers, for the proper regulation of the election of
the deputies of departments. Our purpose was to modify, in
conformity with the lessons gained by experience, and the well-
known wishes of the nation, several articles of the charter, con-
cerning the qualifications and number of the deputies, and some
other dispositions respecting the formation of the Chambers,
the initiation of legislation, and the mode of its deliberations.

The misfortunes of the time having interrupted the session
of the two Chambers, we have thought, that as the number of
deputies of departments, had, through divers causes, become so
greatly reduced, the nation is insufficiently represented. Under
these circumstances, it is above all things necessary, that the
national representatives should be numerous, that their powers
should be renewed, that they should emanate more directly from
the electoral colleges, and finally that the elections should
express the actual opinion of our people.

i66 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

We have therefore determined to dissolve the Chamber of
Deputies, and to summon a new one without delay. But as it
is impossible to regulate the mode of election by a law, or to
make modifications in the charter, we have deemed it within
our province, to admit the nation to enjoy the advantages at
once, which it will derive from a more numerous representation,
and one elected under less restricted conditions, it being more-
over our pleasure, that in no case should any modification of the
charter become definite, except under constitutional forms. The
regulations of this present proclamation, shall be the first object
of the deliberations of the Chambers. The entire legislative
power will settle the law of elections, and the alterations to be
made in the charter with reference thereto, alterations as to
which we only take the initiative, in respect of the most indis-
pensable and urgent points, while pledging ourselves to keep
as much as possible to the charter, and the forms, previously
in use.

For these reasons we declare and have declared, ordained
and have ordained, the following :

Art. I. The Chamber of Deputies is dissolved.

Art. II. The electoral colleges of districts shall assemble on
the 14th of August of the present year.

Art. III. The electoral colleges of departments shall meet
eight days after the opening of the electoral colleges of
districts.

Art. IV. The number of departmental deputies, is fixed in
conformity with the schedule hereto annexed.

Art. V. Each district electoral college shall elect a number of
candidates equal to the number of deputies of the department.

Art. VI. Onr prcfets shall transmit to the president of the
departmental electoral colleges, the lists of candidates prepared
by the district electoral colleges, which lists shall be transmitted
to them by the presidents of these colleges.

Art. VII. The departmental electoral colleges shall choose
at least one half of the deputies from these candidates. If the
total number of the deputies of the department is uneven, the
division shall be made in favour of that portion which is to be
chosen from among the candidates.

Art. VIII. The electors of the district electoral colleges may
take their seats, provided they are of the full age of twenty-one
years. The electors of the departmental colleges may also do
so at the same age, but they must have been chosen from the
list of those who are rated the highest.

Art. IX. If the number of members of the Legion of Honour,
who, in conformity with the decree of February 22, 1806, may

THE SECOND RESTORATION. 167

be added to the district or departmental colleges, is not com-
plete, onr frefets shall, at the request of the members of the
Legion of Honour, propose further nominations, which shall be
provisionally confirmed. Nevertheless all members of the Legion
of Honour, who are admitted to the departmental colleges, must,
in conformity with Art. IX. of the Charter, pay at least three
hundred francs in direct taxes.

All nominations made since March 1st, 181 5, are null and
void.

Art. X. Deputies may be elected at the full age of twenty-
five years.

Art. XI. Conformable to former laws and regulations, every
election in which the half of the college plus one, shall not have
taken part, shall be null. The absolute majority of the members
present, is necessary to the validity of the election.

Art. XII. If the district electoral colleges have not com-
pleted the election of the number of candidates they are entitled
to choose, the departmental college shall nevertheless proceed
to exercise its function.

Art. XIII. The election returns shall be examined in the
Chamber of Deputies, which shall pronounce as to the regularity
of the elections. The elected deputies shall be required to
produce to the Chamber, their certificate of birth, and an
abstract of their assessments, showing that they pay at least one
thousand francs in taxes.

Art. XIV. Articles 16, 25, 35, 36,37,38,39,40,41,42,43,
44, 45, and 46, of the charter shall be submitted for revision to
the legislative power at the next session of the Chambers.

Art. XV. The present proclamation shall be printed and
affixed to the place of meeting of each electoral college.

The articles of the charter above mentioned shall be printed
conjointly with it.

Art. XVI. Our minister of the interior is charged with the
execution of the present proclamation.

Given at the palace of the Tuileries this 13th day of July, in
the year of grace, one thousand eight hundred and fifteen, and
the twenty-first year of our reign.

(Signed) LOUIS.

The proclamation having been published, the selection of
the pr^fets who were to be charged with its execution in the
departments had to be provided for, and this selection was not
an easy one. It was necessary that the new pr^fets should be
moderate as well as energetic men, in order to carry out the

1 68 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

views of the government, and to resist as far as possible, the
exactions of the allied troops in the departments occupied by
them, and also the reactionary tendencies of certain departments
in the south.

The greater number of the prefets appointed during the
Empire, inspired the royal government with no confidence, and the
men recommended by the advisers of Mo7isieur and the princes,
were dangerous from the violence of their opinions. It was
not easy under these circumstances to find eighty-six men,
possessing the qualities necessary to carry out so delicate a
mission as that of the new prefets, and there is the less reason
for surprise, that the result has been to give France a Chamber
of Deputies, which even while I am now writing,^ distinguishes

^ I will only cite one letter from a prej'et of that time, to show how difficult was
the task of the government and of its agents.

M. DE BOURRIENNE,* PrEFET OF YONNE, TO THE

Prince de Talleyrand.

AUXERRE, August 20, 1815.

Pri.nce,

Four days ago this department was in despair ; the public funds were
seized and carried off, there were enormous requisitions and exaggerated demands of
every description ; maltreatment and threats of military executions, and a studied
contempt for the king's agents. Such was the conduct of the Bavarians, when I made
my complaint to Comte de Rechburg,t brother of the minister of that Court, at
Paris. He told me that, not having been invited to assist in drawing up the metnor-
andum of the 24th of July.J and perceiving that there was an intention to exclude
them from a share in the war contributions, the Bavarians were under the necessity of
looking after themselves, and taking their share of what they could get. Then, loudly
expressing his hatred of the Austrians, Comte de Rechburg added : " We have sixty
thousand men under arms, and we could soon give a good account of one hundred
thousand Austrians in a pitched battle."

However, as I spoke to him with some determination and above all with much
show of reason, he told me that although administrative measures were not his busi-
ness, he would confer on the matter with the Commissary of the aimy.

All this took place on the eighteenth, and on that day no rigorous measures were
taken. Yesterday the news of the arrangements made on the seventeenth, arrived
from Paris, and the circular to the prefets has produced a great change, both in the
situation of the country people, and in the conduct of the Bavarians. Please God that
they do not come again, and tell us that they know nothing of the arrajigemcnt and
have nothing to do 7vith it. Up to now hostilities have ceased, and we are awaiting
the arrival of Prince de Wrede on the twenty-second, to see if their first system of
isolation is to be continued, or if they will range themselves under the general stand-
ard of the allies, to plunder us in a regular and methodical fashion.

Together with the news of the announcement of the seventeenth, came the royal

* M. de Bouirienne was nnt/r<</(r^ of Yonne. He was at that time candidate for the post of deputy
of this department and was elected a few days afterwards.

t Count Joseph de Rechburg (1769 to 1833), general in the Bavarian Army 1814 to 1815, and
afterwards minister at Berlin,

X This note, addressed by Austria, Russia. Prussia and England, to the French cabinet, had for
its object the regulation of the government of the territories occupied by the allies in France. Article
VIII. particularly specifies that no contribution was to be levied singly by the commissaries of the.
different armies.

THE SECOND RESTORATION. 169.

itself by its reactionary spirit and its want of prudence and
moderation.^

The appointment of extraordinary royal commissioners,
which had been previously made, in the departments of the
South, either by the Due d'Angouleme, or the king himself,
would still further have complicated the situation of the new
prefets ; but the council advised the king to recall the powers of
all these commissioners by proclamation. This proclamation
became one of the principal grievances of one part of the court,

proclamation as to the war contribution of a hundred miUions. I may tell you, prince,
that it has been almost received with pleasure ; not a single complaint has been
raised. The general expression was : shedding ones money is not like shedding
one's blood.

Here payment will be prompt, and also in the other departments, because men
are grateful to the government for having considered how much these departments
have suffered through sacrifices and losses. I think I may assure you, prince, that
every demand for money will be received without murmuring, provided it is justly
apportioned and its destination is known. It is almost certain that we shall not have
Dumolard* as deputy. As for Desfoumeaux.t I am not quite sure of him. It is
true, I have already succeeded in excluding him from the list of candidates, but since
then, he has redoubled his intrigues and solicitations. He presents himself in all the
communes of his department, his big red ribbon outside his coat, and a huge new
badge on his left side, and when it is represented to him, that this royal favour is of
last year's date, and that it only brings his treachery more prominently forward, he at
once answers, byshowing two letters datedAugust 1815, one from the Due d'Otranto,
the other from the Due d'Havre,t both of them describing him as the man most
worthy to represent the department of the Yonne. On the one hand, the government
desires, and with reason, to remove such intriguers ; and on the other hand, one of
the ministers and a captain of the guards, solicit the good will of the authorities and
the public, on his behalf.

I have been obliged to inform you, prince, of this circumstance, so that you may
not blame me too much if I am unsuccessful. I have read with as much pleasure as
gratitude, the name of the Marquis de Louvois § on the list of peers ; this choice has
given general satisfaction. I like to believe, prince, that you have remembered what
I told you about him. I s'lall always gratefully acknowledge the great kindness you
have shown me, by unbounded devotion and unshaken fidelity. I am, with the
greatest respect, Your Highness's very humble and obedient servant,

BOURRIENNE.

^ It is to be observed that this portion of the Memoirs was written in 1816 at the
time the Chambre introuvable was sitting.

* Bonvier-Dumolard, bom In 1781, at first auditor to the Privy Council ; then commissary of
Corinthia in Saxony and charged with the organization of the Venetian States. In iSio he was ap-
pointed/jY/i-^ and again during the hundred days, when he was also elected a deputy. At the second
restoration he was ordered to leave Paris.

t Comte Etienne Desfourneaux, born in 1769, became sergeant in r789, went to St. Domingo in
1792, where for his successes, he was appointed General-in-chief in 1793. In 1798 he became governor
of Guadeloupe. In 1802 he commanded a division in tlie Expedition to St. Domingo. He returned
shortly afterwards ro France, and retired to the department of Yonne and was elected deputy in 1813
and again during the hundred days. He was not elected in 1825.

t Josech Anne Angiiste Maximillian de Croy, Due d'Havrcf, pnnce of the Holy Empire and
grandee of Spain, born in 1744, lieutenant-general in 1749. Deputy from the bailiwick of Araiens to
the States-General peer of France at the Restoration, and captain of the king's guards. He died

§ Auguste-Michel \j& Tellier de Sonor^, Marquis de Louvois, bom in 173B, was chamberlain to
the emperor in 1809 and peer of France under the Restoration. He took no part in politics, but hfld
an important position in trade. He died in 1S44.

170 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

against the ministry, and it accordingly encountered opposition
on all sides.

We had infinite trouble in inducing the king to issue another
proclamation respecting the press, which, except as regards
the journals, gives it complete freedom,^ but I was less fortunate
in another very serious question, in which M. Fouche carried his
point against me. I wanted the king to dispense with all
measures of severity, excepting that all those peers of the
Chamber of 1814, who had consented to form a part of the
Chamber of peers created by Napoleon during the hundred days,
should forfeit their seats. I believed that by thus striking at the
highest persons in the state, a sufficient example would be made
to punish the abettors of the revolution of the 20th of March,
and to secure in future the sanctity of the oath, so unworthily
betrayed by those who, within so short a space of time, had
abandoned the royal cause. But this measure did not satisfy the
royalist reaction, which demanded legal persecution, and
proscriptions. In vain I urged waiting for the meeting of the
Chambers, to whom if it were necessary, might be left the
responsibility of pointing out the guilty. I hoped that by
retarding the measure, time would aid us to soften it down, if
not to get rid of it altogether ; but my efforts were in vain.
Pressure was put on the Due d'Otranto, who, embarrassed by the
close relations he had entered into with the extreme royalist
party, and with the foreign courts, laid a list before the council
of more than a hundred persons, who he demanded should be
either proscribed or tried by court-martial.

After a painful struggle, which lasted several days, and the
king having declared himself for the odious measure, it was
necessary to yield ; but the list was reduced to fifty-seven
persons. Nineteen of these, almost all military men, were to
be brought before a court-martial, or the court of assizes,
while the other thirty-eight, were to leave Paris in twenty-four

' The first proclamation, dated 20th July, 1814, ordered the chief librarian and
the p!-efiis not to make use of Articles III., IV. and V. of the law of October 21st,
1814. These articles gave them the right to submit all writings of less than twenty
printed leaves, to a preliminary inspection of the censors. A second proclamation,
dated 8th August 1815, subjected all the journals to fresh authorization from the
minister of police, and all periodical literature had to be submitted to examination by
a committee.

THE SECOND RES TOR A TION. 1 7 1

hours, and betake themselves to places appointed them by the
police. Those comprised in the first category, were all warned
in time, so that they might escape if they thought proper ; but
the measure was nevertheless an act of blundering folly, cal-
culated only to create difficulties and dangers for the govern-
ment.^

Notwithstanding this proclamation, the proposal I had made
respecting the Chamber of Peers, could no longer be put aside,
and I had in my turn, to draw up the list of peers, who, having
sat in the chamber of the hundred days, could no longer form
part of the Chamber of Peers which had been constituted on a
new basis, since I had induced the king (much against his will)
to admit, that the peerage should henceforth be hereditary.
The list of peers eliminated, comprised the Count d'Aboville,
the Marshal Due d'Albufera, the Comte de Barral, the Arch-
bishop of Tours, the Comte Belliard, the Comte Boissy-
d'Anglas, the Due de Cadore, the Comte de Canclaux, the
Comte de Casablanca, the Comte Clement de Ris, the Comte
Colchen, the Marshal Due de Conegliano, the Comte Cornudet,
the Comte de Croix, the Marshal Due de Dantzig, the Comte
Dedeley d'Agier, the Comte Dejean, the Marshal Prince
d'Essling, the Comte Fabre de I'Aude, the Comte Gassendi, the
Comte de Lacepede, the Comte de Latour-Maubourg, the Comte
de Montesquiou, the Due de Plaisance, the Comte de Pontd-
coulant, the Due de Praslin, the Comte Rampon, the Comte de
Segur, the Marshal Due de Trevise, the Comte de Valence.

This proclamation also bore the date of the 24th of July ;
but on the 17th of August following, the king issued another at

' This is the list of the persons comprised in the proclamation of the 21st of July,
1815.

Category of the nineteen who were prosecuted and brought to trial : Marshal Ney,
Labedoyere, both brothers Lallemand, Drouet D'Erlon, Laborde, Lefebvre — Des-
nouttes, Ameille, Brayer, Gilly, Mouton-Duvernet, Grouchy, Clausel, Debelle,
Bertrand, Drouot, Cambronne, Lavalette, Rovigo ;

Category of the thirty-eight, ordered to leave Paris in three days and proceed to
places appointed by the police.

Marshal Soult, Generals Al'x, Exelmans, Vandamme, Marbot, Lamarque, Lobau,
Pire, Dejean junior, and Hullin, M. Felix, Lepelletier, Boulay de la Meurthe,
Mehee-Latouche, Fressinnet, Thibaudeau, Carnot, Harel, Barrere, Arrighi(of Padua)
Arnault, Pommereuil, Regnauld de Saint-Jean-d'Angely, Real, Garrau, Bouvier-
Dumolard, Merlin de Douai, Durbach, Dirat, Deferment, Bory, de Saint Vincent,
Felix Desportes, Garnier de Saintes, Mellinet, Cluys, Courtin, Forbin-Janson the
elder and Lelorgne d'Idevile.

172 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

my suggestion, by which ninety-two new peers were created, and
which restored the Comtes D'Aboville and de Canclaux, who
proved that they had not sat in the Chamber of the hundred
days, and also M. Boissy d'Anglas, as a reward for his noble
and courageous conduct at the Convention, and tlie special
services he had rendered the king.

I also added to this list, the three sons, still minors, of the
Due de Montebello, and Marshals Berthier and Bessieres.

The king, in signing this proclamation, made some objection
to the name of M. Mole, who had served during the hundred
days ; but I persisted, saying, " May the king be pleased to
restore this name. It is Mathieu Mole,^ who asks it of you," and
the king, who had at first erased it, replaced it with his own
hand.

At last, on the 20th of August, the proclamation constituting
the peerage appeared ; it had been discussed in the Council for
several days.

The king vigorously opposed the hereditary peerages, as
depriving him of all personal influence over the members of the
Chamber ; but I argued against this view, as being in comparison,
secondary to the weight and stability the heredity of its
members would give to the Chamber. Accordingly in the
preamble of the proclamation, the king declared that, " Wishing
to give his subjects a fresh pledge of the value which he attached
to founding those institutions, on the most permanent basis on
which a government can rest, and convinced that nothing
secures the quiet of the State more than that heredity of feeling,
which in families is joined to heredity of high public functions,
and thus creates an uninterrupted succession of subjects, whose
fidelity and devotion to their king and country, are guaranteed
by the principles and examples they have inherited from their
fathers. . . ."

The harsh measures introduced by M. Fouche were not long
in bearing fruit. Frightful tumults and bloody scenes broke out
in various places in the south, where the royalist reaction, deem-

^ M. Mole the fifth descendant in the direct line from the first President, Mathieu
Mole. During the hundred days he refused the portfolios of the Interior and of
Foreign Affairs. He was appointed peer of France, but never sat in the Chamber.

THE SECOND RESTORA TION. 173

ing itself encouraged by these measures, indulged in horrible
massacres ; the government made every effort to put a stop to
them, and the king published the following declaration, in which
he said :

" We have learnt with grief, that in the departments of the
south) many of our subjects have recently been guilty of the
most criminal outrages ; that under pretence of making them-
selves the instruments of public vengeance, Frenchmen have
shed the blood of Frenchmen, to gratify their private hatred and
revenge, even after our authority had been universally re-esta-
blished and acknowledged throughout our kingdom. That
horrible treachery and great crimes have been committed, which
plunged France into an abyss of evils, is doubtless an indis-
putable fact ; but the punishment of these crimes must be a
national, solemn, and regular one. The guilty persons must fall
by the sword of justice, and not under the weight of vengeance.
All social order would be upset, if men were allowed to consti-
tute themselves both judge and executioner, either as regards the
injuries they have received, or the outrages committed against
our person.

" We hope that this odious attempt to forestall the action of
the law, has already ceased. It is an offence against France and
ourselves, and however deeply it may pain us, nothing shall be
left undone to punish such outrages. We have therefore strictly
enjoined our ministers and magistrates, to enforce absolute
obedience to the laws, and to show neither weakness nor indul-
gence in prosecuting those, who have offended against them."

This declaration, however natural under the circumstances,
nevertheless offered a pretext to the extreme royalist party to
censure the ministry ; while M. Fouche, alarmed at the mischief
he had done, by flattering the evil passions of that party, wished
to retrace his steps and get out of the difficulty, by an act of
perfidy, calculated, as he thought, to bias public opinion in his
favour, and to still further weaken the government. He made
two confidential reports to the king, one in which he
depicted the deplorable condition to which the conduct of the
allied troops was reducing the population of the provinces they
occupied, and the consequences that could not fail to result
therefrom. The second report was no less emphatic than the
first, in the picture it drew of the outrages committed in the

174 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

south, and the violent party rancour displayed in every part of
France. Up to this point there was nothing to find fault with.
M. Fouche had but done his duty, and we are quite ready to ad-
mit that the contents of these reports were not far from the
truth. But these reports were confidential and should only
have been communicated to the king and his Council.

This, however, was not what M. Fouche did. He at first
concealed them from the ministry, and after having given a copy
to the king, he made them public, while asserting that they had
been stolen from him, and that it was not he who had published
them. It was impossible to maintain any relations with a man
who had recourse to such measures. I asked the king for his
dismissal from the ministry, and it was not long ere he was
removed. ^

But the greatest and most painful difficulty that affected the
situation, was the conduct of the allied sovereigns and their
troops. This is a point on which I must now touch, leaving it
to historians to relate the events of this period, which are
universally known. For my part I shall confine myself to ex-
posing the painful negotiations I was condemned to carry on,
as well as some of the occurrences connected with them. I
hasten to finish these odious recollections.

The most urgent point in these negotiations, and the one to be
first treated of, was that which settled the allowances that were
to be made for the services of the innumerable armies who had
invaded France and were devouring her ; while at the same time,
insisting everywhere on the most scandalous exactions, in the
name of the Powers, who at Vienna had signed the agreement,
to arm themselves in aid of their ally the King of France.

I have already quoted the letter of the prefet of Yonne, on
the conduct of the Bavarian generals. I wish also to record an
order of the Commissary-General of the Austrian Army, to show
how far the revolutionary spirit (for I can call it by no other
name) had carried these governments, who loudly proclaimed
that they only made war against revolution in the person of
Buonaparte.

^ igth September.

THE SECOND RESTORATION. 175

The Imperial, Royal, and Apostolic Army of Italy.

We, Count de Wurmser, Chamberlain, Privy Councillor of
State to his Imperial, Royal, and Apostolic Majesty, Commander
of the Royal Order of Saint-Stephen of Hungary, President of
the Aulic Commission, charged with the superintendence of the
survey of the monarchy, and Commissary-General of the Imperial
and Royal Army of Italy.

Considering, on the one hand, that the general and subordin-
ate receivers of the departments and districts, have been com-
pelled to sign bonds to the order of the treasury, for the pay-
ment on fixed dates, of the sums received from direct and
indirect taxation, and that, on the other hand, these payments
and taxes in those parts of the French territory, occupied by the
troops of the allied armies, have, according to military law and
the law of nations, devolved on the said powers, we order and
decree as follows :

Article I. — That all bonds payable to the French treasury
by the general and subordinate receivers, and other revenue
officers of those parts of French territory occupied by the
Imperial Austrian Army of Italy, or which shall be so occupied
in future, are not available, either for arrears or for current pay-
ments of any public taxes or imposts whatever. The said
receivers and revenue officers are therefore forbidden to discharge
them on any pretxt whatsoever.

Article II. — Any infraction of this prohibition will involve
not only the personal responsibility of each receiver and
revenue officer, but will further be punished with all the rigour
of martial law, as an act of connivance with the enemy.

Article III.- — -These dispositions apply to the bonds and
drafts delivered by the purchasers of national and communal
property, and those who have acquired the right to fell timber in
the State forests.

Article IV. — The courts are forbidden to entertain any suits
for payment of the said bonds or drafts, under pain of being
dissolved, and being further dealt with according to the rigour
of military law.

Article V. — All prefets and sub-pr^fets are charged with the

1/6 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

immediate printing and placarding of the above order, wherever
it may be necessary.

Given at headquarters, Nantua, July i8th, 1815.
{Signed) COUNT DE WURMSER.
By order of his Excellency the Commissary-General,

CUVELIER,

Commissary.

King Louis XVIII., who had discovered when too late, the
grave error he had committed in not following the advice I
had given him, not to return to his capital before he had settled
everything with the foreign governments, now strove vainly to
repair this fault, by addressing the following letter to me, which
I communicated to the allied plenipotentiaries.

King Louis XVIIl. to the Prince de
Talleyrand.

Paris, /m/)' 21, 1815.

The conduct of the allied armies will very soon drive my
people into arming themselves en masse after the example of
the Spaniards. Were I a younger man, I would place myself at
their head ; but if age and infirmities prevent my doing so, I
will not at any rate even seem to connive at the outrages I
lament. I am therefore resolved, if I cannot obtain justice, to
retire from my kingdom, and ask the King of Spain for an
asylum. If those, who even after the capture of the man
against whom alone they had declared war, continue to treat
my subjects as enemies, and who consequently must regard me
also as such, wish to interfere with my freedom, they are at
liberty to do so. I would rather be a prisoner, than remain at
the Tuileries, a passive spectator of the miseries of my people.

Louis.

In consequence of this letter and a proposal for an arrange-
ment made by Baron Louis, Minister of Finance, the allied
plenipotentiaries addressed a note to me on the 25th of July
drawn up in these terms :

" The undersigned ministers have carefully considered the
proposals transmitted to them by the ministers of the king,

THE SECOND RESTORATION. 177

through his Excellency Baron Louis. They are too firmly con-
vinced of the necessity of taking the most speedy and effectual
measures, as regards administrative action, not to accept, with
the utmost readiness, the views which are expressed in these
overtures. They are therefore of opinion that the following
arrangements, which have just been adopted, will be the most
efficacious for reconciling the king's wishes with the position in
which the allied armies will be placed during their stay in
France."

The arrangements referred to in this note, laid down, that in
exchange for a contribution of a hundred millions, conceded by
the French government, it was agreed that a line of demarca-
tion should be traced, to fix the departments that would be
occupied by the allied troops and assigned for their mainte-
nance. The royal authority was to be restored, and the pr^fets
and sub-prefets re-established in their official functions. Military
governors were to be appointed by the departments, within
the radius of each army. They were to protect the authori-
ties, ensure the supplies to the armies, and supervise
their relations with the French officials. An administrative
commission was to sit in Paris to transact direct all affairs
between the king's government and the foreign authorities.
Orders were immediately to be given to put a stop to all
the irregular contributions which had been levied on the
departments.

This point settled, the remainder would have been soon
arranged, if the sovereigns had been true and faithful allies of
the King of France. But, as I have already stated, when
speaking of the arrival of the foreign armies in Paris, the
allied cabinets were puzzled how to bring forward their de-
mands, as they could find no name for their wishes. At first
they only used the word guarantees. They wished for general
guarantees without specifying for what purposes, upon which I
addressed- the following note to them, dated July 31st, 1815 :

" The king's minister has the honour to communicate to their

Excellencies the ministers and secretaries of State of the allied

powers, three proclamations by his Majesty. One issued at

Lille for the disbanding of the French army, and two others,

VOL. III. N

178 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

which are as yet only drafted, and relate to the organization of
a new army ; it being no less necessary for Europe than for
France herself, that she should have an army. The king has
tried, and believes he has succeeded, in reconciling this necessity
with the still greater one, common to both parties, that of
coming to some decision, without reverting to revolution.

" It is now twenty-six years since France, seeking guarantees
against the abuses of an uncontrolled ministerial power, exercised
without unity or supervision, strayed from the true path, and
lost herself in that species of equality, the inevitable consequence
of which, is the dominion of the multitude, that is to say, its
tyranny, which is the most frightful of all tyrannies, and for
that very reason the least durable. This tyranny gave place, as
it always has and always will do, to the despotism of a single
individual, who, by temperament and clever calculation, carried
the revolution into another channel, by altering its motive power,
and transporting it from the interior to the exterior, and sub-
tituting the spirit of conquest for the spirit of equality.

" The late events have proved, how greatly both these had
been weakened, since the usurper, who had summoned both to his
aid, did not obtain sufficient support from either, to counteract
the effect of a first and single reverse.

" But as the chances of revolution can never cease, unless they
are both entirely extinguished, or so controlled, that they never
can again become dominant, all the thoughts of the king during
his retreat into Belgium were concentrated on the best means
of obtaining this result, and every act of his, since his return,
has been in furtherance of this end.

" The doctrine of complete equality may, no doubt, still have
its apostles and partizans among those speculative minds, who set
up theories for an imaginary world, and among a certain number
of men, to whom this doctrine alone gave a temporary power,
which they then abused, and which they now regret. But the
masses themselves have long been undeceived by the cruel ex-
periences they have undergone. This doctrine will never make
proselytes, and its spirit will never be formidable, so long as every
man's civil rights are secured against all arbitrary measures,
by a political constitution, which excludes from power all those
who are not in the position, in which the sense of preservation,
is not stronger than the necessity and desire of acquisition.

" Such is the character of the political system by which France
will be governed.

" The Chamber of Peers will be hereditary. The Chamber
of Deputies will be formed on the only principle which can
bring it into harmony with the two other branches of the

THE SECOND RESTORATION. 179

legislature, a principle which it will be our endeavour to re-
establish and to enforce in all civil institutions. It will share
with the king, the right of framing the laws, a right which
previously he had reserved to himself.

" The manner in which the laws will be framed, gives the
strongest possible assurance of their impartial equity, since it
will be the expression, not of the will of a single person, or a
single body, but of a will arising from the concurrence of three
distinct wills.

" A ministry is already constituted, each of whose members
have their own special province, which has been decided on after
joint discussion. It has therefore all the active force which
unity gives, and it is also responsible, which is a preservative
against the abberations of power.

" The judges will be irremovable", which assures the indepen-
dence of the courts.

" In criminal matters the trial by jury, now existing, will be
maintained. Confiscation is in all cases and for ever abolished.

" Finally the restrictions laid on the freedom of the press have
already been removed.

"This institution, by placing the state, equi-distant between
absolute power and anarchy, will not afford either means or
pretexts to the latter, wherewith to assert its power.

" This same institution will no less happily repress the spirit
for conquest, which has arisen under circumstances, and sup-
ported by causes, which will never occur again.

" There will no longer be a revolutionary dynasty in France,
interested in the overthrow of legitimate sovereigns, in order to
set up others in its own likeness.

"There will no longer be a tyrannical dynasty in France,
which requires to withdraw the attention of the people from
the evils it permits, by soothing them with the delusions of a
glory purchased with their noblest blood.

" Buonaparte is in the power of the allies, and has ceased for
ever to be formidable.

" The instigators and principal supporters of his late crimes,
have been handed over to justice. The principal instruments of
his despotism, the most ardent of his admirers, have either gone
from France, or left the capital, and been deprived of all public
functions.

" The spirit of conquest was not that of France ; for her it has
been nothing but a cruel calamity. It only reigned in the army,
for it requires success to sustain it, and it perishes under reverses.
The preceding campaigns had gradually weakened it, nor does it
seem possible that it should survive this last one. Those who

N 2

l8o THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

are still infected by it, cannot conceal from themselves, that they
will no longer, as heretofore, find Europe divided, and that against
united Europe they can hope for nothing ; no man persists in
hoping where there is no hope. The spirit of conquest was further
maintained by the almost unlimited duration of military service,
which caused the soldier at last to recognise no other home and
no other country, than the army. This cause will be removed
by the present scheme of organization, which by frequently
restoring the soldiers to the habits and affections of civil and
domestic life, will no longer dispose them to encourage interests
and feelings opposed to those of their country.

" The king believes that this conjunction of facts, dispositions,
and measures, will give to France, to Europe, and himself, all
the guarantees of security that can be desired.

" The king's ministry are of the same opinion. They therefore
request their Excellencies, the ministers and secretaries of state
of the allied Powers, to be good enough to inform them, whether
they share this opinion, or if in their judgment anything else
ought to be added to these dispositions, and in that case what
they believe to be desirable to be so added.

" The Prince de Talleyrand has the honour to. . . ."

Paris, /w/y 25M, 1815.
Under the given circumstances, and with honourable allies,
the observations contained in the following memorandum could
have admitted of no reply, but I had already discovered that it
was not with such allies, that I had to deal. I refer to the
occasion of the spoliation of our art galleries, which gave rise
to an interchange of Notes, which I omitted to mention when
speaking of this matter before. I will here make good this
omission, so as to complete the documents connected with the
negotiations of this sad period. I shall begin with the first Note
on this subject, addressed to me by Lord Castlereagh, nth of
' September, 18 15.

Translation of a Memorandum from Lord Castlereagh
TO THE Prince de Talleyrand.

" Representations having been made to the ministers of the
allied Powers, by the pope, the Grand Duke of Tuscany, the King
of the Netherlands, and other sovereigns, reclaiming (through
the intervention of the high allied Powers,) the restoration of the
statues, pictures, manuscripts, and other works of art, of which

THE SECOND RESTORATION. i8i

their respective countries have been systematically and persist-
ently despoiled by the late revolutionary government of France,
contrary to every principle of justice, and the established and
accepted rules of war, and these representations having been
submitted to the consideration of his Court, the undersigned has
received instructions from the Prince Regent, to call the attention
of his allies, to the following remarks on this engrossing topic.

" It is now for the second time, that the European Powers have
been compelled to invade France, in defence of their own liberty
and to insure the tranquillity of the world, and their armies have
by conquest, twice taken possession of the capital of the country,
in which the art treasures and the spoils of the greater part of
Europe have been accumulated.

" Twice also has the legitimate ruler of France been enabled,
under the protection of these armies, to re-occupy his throne,
and to obtain from the signal indulgence of the allies, a peace
for his people, which their conduct to their own sovereigns and
to other states, gave them as a nation no right to expect.
That the purest feelings of regard for Louis XVIII., deference
for his ancient and illustrious name, and respect for his mis-
fortunes, invariably guided the councils of the allies, has
been amply proved by the care they took last year, to lay
down, as the express basis of the treaty of Paris, the preserva-
tion of the complete integrity of France, (and more es.pecially
after having lately seen their hopes so cruelly deceived,) by the
efforts they are still making to definitely combine the actual
integrity of France, with an equivalent measure of temporary
precautions, which may satisfy what they owe to the security of
their own subjects.

" But it would be the height of weakness (and the effect of it
would be far more likely to mislead the French people than to
bring them back to moral sentiments and peaceable views), if
the allied sovereigns, from whom the world expected protection
and repose, were to refuse a just and generous application of this
principle of integrity to other nations who are their allies (and
above all to those who are weak and defenceless), when they are
on the point of granting it a second time, to a nation against
which they have so long fought.

" By what right can France at the termination of such a war,
expect to retain the same extent of territory as before the
Revolution, and at the same time wish to keep the chefs d'mivres
robbed from every other country } Can there be a doubt as
to the issue of such a controversy, or of the power of the allies to
carry out what justice and policy demands .? If not, then by
what right is France deprived of its late territorial acquisitions,

i82 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

and at the same time left in possession of the spoils of those very
territories, which all modern conquerors have invariably respected,
as inseparable from the country to which they belong ?

" The allied sovereigns have perhaps to justify themselves
before Europe, as to their conduct in this matter, when they
were at Paris last year. It is true they never made them-
selves accomplices of the criminality, involved in such wholesale
robberies, so far as to sanction them by any stipulation in their
treaties : such an acknowledgment they always steadily re-
fused, but it is certain that they used their influence to repress
the expression of these reclamations, in the hope that France,
subdued as much by their generosity as by their arms, would be
disposed to maintain inviolable a peace, which had been carefully
established, in order to serve as a bond of reconciliation between
the nation and the king.

" But now the question is a very different one, and to act in
the same manner under circumstances so essentially altered,
would, in the opinion of the Prince Regent, be as imprudent for
France, as it would be unjust towards the allies, who have a
direct interest in the question.

" His Royal Highness however, in giving this opinion, feels
that it is necessary to protect himself against the possibility of
misinterpretation. While deciding that it is the duty of the
allied sovereigns, not only not to hinder, but even to facilitate the
restoration of these art treasures to the places whence they have
been taken, he deems it no less suitable to their good feeling,
not to permit the position of their armies in France, or the
removal of these objects from the Louvre, to be the direct or
indirect means, of taking back to their own dominions, a single
article, which at the time of their conquest, did not belong to
their respective family collections, or to the countries over
which they at present reign.

" Whatever value the Prince Regent might attach to such
perfect specimens of the fine arts, if they had been otherwise ac-
quired, he has no wish to become possessed of them at the expense
of France, and above all, by following a principle in warfare,
which he holds to be a reproach to the country which adopts it.
And so far from desiring to profit by the ojiportunity, to acquire
from the lawful owners, any object which they might have
resolved to give up for pecuniary considerations, his Royal
Highness wishes on the contrary to give them the means of
replacing them, in those temples and art galleries, of which they
have so long been the ornaments.

" If it were possible that the sentiments of his Royal Highness
for the person and the cause of Louis XVIII. could be doubted,

THE SECOND RESTORATION. 183

or that the position of his Most Christian Majesty, with respect
to his own people could suffer from it, the Prince Regent could
not but arrive at this decision with the greatest possible re-
pugnance.

" But on the contrary, his Royal Highness is firmly convinced
that the affection and respect of his Most Christian Majesty's
subjects, for his person, will increase in proportion, as he
separates himself from these memories of a system of Revolu-
tionary warfare.

" These spoils which are an obstacle to the moral reconciliation
of France with the countries which she has invaded, are not
necessary to recall the exploits of her armies, which despite the
cause in which they were achieved, must always make the arms
of the nation respected by others. But so long as these objects
remain in Paris, constituting as it were the title-deeds of the
countries which have been surrendered, the desire to re-unite
them to France will never become extinct and the spirit of the
French people, will never be able to accustom itself to the
diminished territorial extent assigned to the nation reigned over
by the Bourbons.

" In giving this opinion, the Prince Regent has no intention of
humiliating the French nation. The general policy of his Royal
Highness, the conduct of his troops in France, his anxiety
immediately after Buonaparte's surrender, to restore to France
the freedom of her commerce, and above all, the desire he has
recently testified, to definitely preserve to France with some
slight modifications, her territorial integrity, are the best proofs
that no ungenerous feeling towards her, but a wish to do justice
to others, and the desire to heal the wounds inflicted by the
Revolution, have been the sole motives of this decision.

" The whole question reduces itself to this : Are the powers of
Europe now arranging a true and lasting agreement with the
king, and if so, on what principles shall it be concluded ? Shall
it be on the retention or the abandonment of the spoils of the
Revolution .' Can the king suppose that he increases his own
dignity, by surrounding himself with monuments of art, which
only serve to recall the sufferings of his own illustrious house,
no less than those of the other nations of Europe >.

" If the French wish to retrace their steps, can they reason-
ably desire to retain this source of animosity between them-
selves and other nations .? and if they do not, is it politic to
flatter their vanity and to keep alive those hopes, which the
contemplation of these trophies must arouse 1

" Can even the army itself reasonably desire it .' The recol-
lection of its campaigns can never perish ; they are recorded in

l84 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

the military annals of Europe, they are engraved on the public
monuments of its own country. What need therefore to as-
sociate with the glory acquired on the field of battle, a system
of pillage, contrary to the present laws of warfare, and by which
the chief who led them to battle, has in reality tarnished the
lustre of his arms ?

" If we really wish to return to peace and the old maxims, it
cannot be prudent to retain so many vestiges of past abuses, and
the king cannot wish, when escaping from the shipwreck of the
Revolution, of which his family have been the principal victims,
to perpetuate in his house this odious monopoly of the fine arts.

" The rich collections which France possessed before the
Revolution, augmented by the Borghese collection (one of the
finest in the world) which has been since purchased, will give
the king ample means to suitably beautify the capital of his
kingdom, and the king can safely give up these valuable
objects derived from an impure source, without prejudicing the
culture of art in France.

" In applying a remedy to this dangerous evil, it does not
seem possible to adopt a middle course, that would not tend
to recognize various spoliations made under the form of
treaties, and the character of which is, if possible, still more
startling, than the acts of open plunder, by which these relics
have in general been collected.

" The principle of property, regulated by the reclamations of
the countries whence these works of art have been taken, is the
surest and the only guide, which justice must follow ; and there
is nothing perhaps, which can at present contribute further to
establish public feeling in Europe, than such homage offered
by the king to the principle of virtue, of conciliation, and of
peace.

" Castlereagh."

To this note I answered :

" The king's minister has received the note, which his Excel-
lency Lord Castlereagh has done him the honour to write,
respecting the art treasures which belong to France. His
Majesty, to whom the note has been submitted, has ordered him
to return the following reply.

" The protestations made by his Excellency, were not
required to convince the king of the disinterestedness shown
by the Prince Regent, in the demand which he has thought
it his duty to direct his minister to address to the French
government. His Majesty has even pleasure in recognizing,
in the reasons which have dictated this step, those feelings

THE SECOND RESTORATION. 185

of goodwill which his Royal Highness has always shown to-
wards the king. But the arguments on which these reasons
are founded, seem to him to be based only on inaccurate sup-
positions, or on mistakes ; in fact his Excellency seems pleased
to imagine, that the wars of 18 14 and of 18 15, are both of
the same nature, and that the second, ought to be terminated
by a treaty of peace, as was the first. But these two wars are
of a perfectly different nature ; the first was really a war with
the French nation, because it was a war with a man, who was
recognised as its head by all Europe, in whose name everything
was administered, to whom all were subject, who, in a word,
disposed of all the resources of France, and who disposed of
them legitimately. The war being made against the nation, a
treaty of peace was necessary ; in 1815 on the contrary, this
same man, against whom Europe has made war, was not re-
cognized by any Power as ruler of France. If he partly used
the same instruments, he did not use them lawfully, and sub-
mission was far from being complete. It was against him alone,
and the factions which recalled him, and not against the nation
that Europe, as her own declaration showed, has made war.
The war therefore was brought to a close, and peace was
restored, by the sole fact of the overthrow of the usurper, the
dispersion of his adherents, and the punishment of their leaders.
It is therefore not easy to see how the war of 181 5, could be a
valid ground for changing the state of affairs established by the
peace of 18 14.

'' His Excellency Viscount Castlereagh, has furthermore laid
it down as a fact, that objects of art cannot be acquired by
conquest. The king's ministry are very far from wishing to
apologise for any kind of conquest. Would to God that the
name or the thing had never existed ! But since after all, this
form of acquisition by nations, is sanctioned by the usages of all
people and all times, the king's minister does not hesitate to
express his conviction, that the conquest of inanimate objects,
the sole use of which is to produce physical or intellectual
enjoyment, is far less objectionable, than that by which people
are separated from the society to which they belong, are sub-
jected to new laws and customs which are not their own, united
to people whom their natural dispositions make uncongenial to
them, and lose even the surname which they have always borne.

" As regards the art treasures, which have from time to time
been brought into France, a distinction should have been made,
which appears not to have been done. Among the countries
which France gave up in 1814, many belonged quite legitimately,
to her, or to her former ruler, because they had been ceded to

l86 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

her. She had the right therefore to dispose of the art treasures
which were there. When she gave up these countries, she re-
stored them just as they were at the time of their restitution, and
it is difficult to see by what right their present possessors could
now claim articles, which were not included in the surrender
that France then made.

" Lastly, other art treasures also belong to France, by a
title no less legitimate. They belong to her in virtue of the
cessions made under solemn treaties.

" As to the moral considerations dwelt upon in the note of
his Excellency Viscount Castlereagh, his Excellency has every
reason to believe that the king would be glad to be able to yield
to them, and that he would hasten to restore all that has been
carried away and brought to France during the course of the
Revolution, were he free to follow only his own inclination ; but
his Excellency is mistaken in supposing, that the king is now
in a position to do so, any more than he was in 1814, and the
ministry has no hesitation in affirming, that if, which they do
not doubt, any cession of the ancient territory (supposing the
king were to consent to it) would be imputed to him as a crime,
cessions of the works of art would be no less so, as giving
a severer blow to the national self-esteem.

" Prince de Talleyrand, president of the ministerial council has
the honour to be . . . .

"Paris, Sept. igth, 1815."

It was the Duke of Wellington, as I have already said, who
undertook to reply to this note. He did so with the roughness,
I might even say, with the brutality of a soldier. This was his
reply : — ■

" That at the time of the conferences for the capitulation of
Paris, the French negotiators had wished to have an article in-
serted, with reference to the art galleries and the preservation of
the works of art. That Prince Bliicher had opposed this, seeing
that there were pictures in the museums which had been taken
from the King of Prussia, and which Louis XVIII. had promised to
restore." The Duke of Wellington added, " that being as it were,
the representative of the other nations of Europe, at the time
of the capitulation, it was his duty to reclaim, all that had been
taken from the Prussians ; that though he had no instructions
relative to the art galleries, nor any official knowledge of the
opinions of the sovereigns on this point, he must nevertheless
presume, that they would strongly insist on the fulfilment of the

THE SECOND RESTORATION. 187

promises of the King of France, in accordance with the obliga-
tions they were all under, to cause the restoration to their
dominions, of those pictures and statues which had been removed
from them, contrary to the regular usages of war, during the
terrible period of the French Revolution. The sovereigns could
not be unjust to their subjects, in order to satisfy the pride of
the army and of the French nation, who must be made to feel, that
notwithstanding some partial and temporary advantages, over
several European States, the hour for restitution had arrived,
and the allied sovereigns could not permit such an occasion to
pass, for giving the French a great moral lesson"

What could be done in the face of such language, supported
by force ? An armed resistance, with the help of the national
guard of Paris, would only result in a useless struggle and
certain defeat, solely calculated to justify the vengeance of our
infuriated enemies, and to irritate those, who, like the Duke of
Wellington himself, desired to show themselves more kindly dis-
posed towards us in the general negotiations. We were forced
therefore to bow our heads beneath this act of violence, more
damaging to those who committed it, than to those who had to
submit to it, and on this point history will be in accord with the
general sentiment of France, and, I dare venture to say, of Europe.

A passage in the Duke of Wellington's answer, reveals one
of the most serious difficulties with which the French negotiators
had to contend, and which it will be best to describe here.
It will have been seen, that the Duke of Wellington resented my
demand in favour of our art galleries, on the plea, that the
assent to this demand had already been refused on the capitula-
tion of Paris ; this capitulation, agreed to by the Chamber of
Deputies of the Hundred Days, after they had in vain asked for
an armistice from the Duke of Wellington and Marshal Bliicher,
preferring to treat with strangers, rather than with the legitimate
King of France. The Chamber of Representatives had even
done worse. A deputation chosen by themselves, had gone to
the foreign sovereigns at Hagenau, and there, carried away by
hatred to the house of Bourbon, had all but consented to a
cession of territory, if Louis XVIII. had not been re-established
on the throne ! And it was these people, who called themselves
staunch patriots, who dared to suggest such proposals !

l88 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

If they were not accepted, they left a no less deplorable
impression, which I found fatally adverse all through the
negotiations. When I rejected the first overtures made to me
by the allied plenipotentiaries, as to cession of territory, declar-
ing that the whole of France would oppose such cession in the
strongest manner, I was informed that the interviews at Hage-
nau showed quite a different spirit, since it was the party which
claimed to be most devoted to the interests of France, which
had itself brought forward this cession of territory.

While the so-called patriotic party had thus weakened our
means of resistance, against the demands of the allies, the
imigre party, who had secret relations with the foreign
diplomats, all declared that the concessions claimed by the
allies ought to be admitted, since the restoration of the house
of Bourbon was entirely due to them.

On the other hand, the four Powers, notwithstanding all our
efforts, were unanimous in imposing the severest conditions on
us. The Emperor Alexander, terribly annoyed that he was not,
as in 1814, the principal author of the second restoration, did
not forgive me, either for having while in Vienna, defended the
cause of the people and of legitimate governments, nor for having
brought about the treaty of the 3rd of January, 18 15. The
Prussians, more violent than ever in their hatred and vengeance,
hotly demanded the- dismemberment of several French pro-
vinces. M. de Metternich, who at first seemed inclined to keep
to his engagements, and side with the more moderate views of
England, ended by dreading lest this moderation should prejudice
him with Germany, and espoused the intense feelings of hatred
of Prussia. England therefore alone remained, represented by
the Duke of Wellington ; and from her sense of fairness, some
help might be hoped for. But even in this direction the Russian,
Austrian, and Prussian Plenipotentiaries, had found a mode of
action detrimental to us. They had persuaded the English that
the new kingdom of the Netherlands, their own creation, would
require to be fortified against France, whom it would be ne-
cessary to deprive of several of her frontier fortresses, and thus
weaken her, by giving to the Netherlands, what would con-
solidate that kingdom.

THE SECOND RESTORATION. 189

What contributed still further to embarrass and compromise
the situation of the French negotiators, was the fact, that
mysteries were made about everything with them ; they were
not admitted to the conferences where the allied plenipoten-
tiaries mutually discussed their projects, and it was only by
hints and insinuations, that the views which were guiding them,
could be guessed at.

In this manner the whole of August and part of September
were spent, when at last, in the middle of the latter month, I
received the following note from the plenipotentiaries of the four
Powers, which they presented to me, as a sort of ultimatum of
tJte guarantees they demanded from France : —

Number I.

" The following document which is here tendered, is the result
of the obligations due to their people by the allied sovereigns,
and of their desire to reconcile' these obligations to the
sentiments which they have pledged to H.M. the King of
France.

" It is in this form that they present their united views, which
they have agreed to hold with regard to France."

Number II. — Bases of the final Arrangement proposed to France

" 1st. The confirmation of the treaty of Paris in all those
particulars, which shall not be modified by the new treaty.

" 2nd. Rectification of the frontiers as established by the
treaty of Paris. By this article, nearly two-thirds of the territory
that the treaty of Paris had added to that of ancient France,
will be separated from her.

" The King of the Netherlands will receive back the greater
number of the districts which formerly belonged to Belgium,
and the King of Sardinia will again come into possession of the
whole of Savoy. There will also be several changes in the
direction of Germany. The towns of Conde, Philippeville,
Marienburg, Givet, Charlemont, Sarrelouis, and Landau are
comprised in the cessions demanded of France.

" 3rd. The destruction of the fortifications of Huningen,
with the understanding that they are never to be rebuilt.

igo THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

" 4th. A contribution of six hundred millions, as indemnity for
the expenses of the war.

" 5th. The further contribution of a sum of two hundred
millions, to cover in part the expenditure, devoted to the con-
struction of new fortified places in the countries adjacent to France.

" 6th. The occupation for seven years of a military line on the
northern and eastern frontiers, by an army of one hundred and
fifty thousand men, under the command of a general, to be
nominated by the allies, and which army will be kept up at the
expense of France."

Number III. — Project of the Treaty.

" The allied powers having by their united efforts, and the
success of their armies, delivered the French nation from the
calamities with which it was being threatened, by the last attempt
of Napoleon Bonaparte, and having preserved Europe from the
upheavals which menaced her, in consequence of the revolu-
tionary system which had been reproduced in France, in order
to ensure the success of that attempt;

" And now sharing with His Most Christain Majesty,
the wish to offer to Europe, by the inviolable maintenance
of the Royal authority, and by putting into force the constitu-
tional charter, the most reassuring guarantees foi- the sta-
bility of the order of things happily re-established in France,
and to consolidate the friendly relations and great harmony, which
the treaty of Paris had restored between France and the neigh-
bouring countries, and to remove everything that might alter or
compromise these friendly relations ;

" Their Imperial and Royal Majesties have promised to His
Majesty the King of France and Navarre, the bases of an
arrangement, which would insure to them, full indemnities for
the past, as well as solid guarantees for the future, these being the
only conditions by which it would be possible to arrive at a
prompt and durable pacification ; and His Most Christian
Majesty having acceded to the said propositions, it was agreed to
insert them in a definite treaty.

" To this effect, the high contracting parties have named. . . .

"Who, after exchanging their full powers, which were
produced in good and due form, have signed the following
articles : —

"Article No. I. — The treaty of the 30th May, 18 14, is con-
fiirmed, and will be carried out in those particulars which will be
found not to be modified by the present treaty.

THE SECOND RESTORATION. igr

"Article No. II. — The high contracting parties having
learnt by experience, the drawbacks which are attached in
several particulars both military and administrative, to the
designation of the limits of French territory, that had been
established by Article No. II of the treaty of the 30th May,
1814, and desiring in this particular, to adopt a system for the
future, which would be equally favourable to the maintenance
of general tranquillity, and the welfare of their subjects, have
definitely fixed the line of demarcation, between the said ter-
ritory and the neighbouring states, in the following manner.

" On the North, this line will follow the demarcation fixed
by the treaty of Paris, as far as the point where the Schelde
enters the department of Jemmapes, and from this river, as
far as the frontier of the canton of Cond^ which will remain out-
side the French frontier. From Quidvrain, the demarcation will be
traced along the ancient frontier of Belgium and of the former
bishopric of Liege, as far as Villers near Orval, leaving the
territory of Philippeville and Marienburg, which are both enclosed
therein, and the canton of Givet, outside the limits of France.

" From Villers to Bourg, to the right of the road leading
from Thionville to Treves, the demarcation will remain as it
has been fixed by the treaty of Paris. From Bourg it will
follow a line which will be drawn over Lannsdorf, Waltwich,
Schardorf, Niederlingen, Palweiler, as far as Houvre, leaving all
these places and their appurtenances in the hands of France.
From Houvre, the frontier will follow the ancient limits of the
district of Saarbruck, leaving Sarrelouis and the course of the
Sarre, with the places situated on the right of the above-named
line and their appurtenances in the hands of Germany. From
the limits of the district of Saarbruck, the demarcation will
follow that which actually separates the department of the
Moselle, and that of the lower Rhine from Germany, as far as
the Lauter, which will serve as a frontier up to its confluence
with the Rhine, in order that Landau, enclosed in the projection
formed by the Lauter, shall remain German, whereas Lauter-
bourg and Weissembourg, both situated on this river, shall
remain in the hands of France. On the east the demarcation
shall remain as it was established by the treaty of Paris, from
the mouth of the Lauter as far as Saint-Brais, in the depart-
ment of the Upper Rhine. This demarcation will then
follow the Doubs as far as fort Joux, in order that the town
of Pontarlier, situated to the right of the Doubs, and the land
adjacent may belong to France, and the fort of Joux, situated to
the left of the same river, to the Helvetian confederation.
From the fort of Joux the boundary line will follow the crests of

192 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

the Jura as far as the Rhone, leaving the fort of the Ecluse
beyond the French frontier.

" From the Rhone, as far as the sea-coast, the line of de-
marcation will be made by that of the frontiers, which in 1790
separated France from Savoy and the country of Nice.

" France shall resign any claim to keep a garrison in the
principality of Monaco.

"The neutrality of Switzerland shall be extended as far as
the territory, north of a line traced from Ugine— including
this town — to the south of the lake of Annecy, past Taverge, as
far as Lecheraine, and from thence to the lake of Bourget to
the Rhone, in the same way that it has been e.xtended to the
provinces of Chablais and Francigny by article 92 of the final
act of the Congress of Vienna.

"Article III. — The fortifications of Hiiningen being an
element of perpetual disquietude to the town of Basle, the high
contracting parties, wishing to give a further proof of their good-
will and solicitude to the Helvetian confederation, have agreed
to abolish the fortifications of Hiiningen, and for the same
reasons, the French government pledges itself never to replace
them, nor to replace them by any other fortifications within
a distance of three hours from the town of Basle.

" Article IV. — The responsibilities of the allied sovereigns
towards the people they govern, having compelled them to
demand a compensation for the pecuniary sacrifices, which the
late general armament had imposed on countries, already
heavily drained by this long succession of wars, carried on
against the revolutionary powers of France, and His Most
Christian Majesty not being able to refuse to admit the
principle on which this claim is founded, the sum of six
hundred millions of francs will be furnished by France, by
way of indemnity. The manner and the terms of this payment,
to be regulated by a special convention, which will have the
same force and weight, as if it had been actually inserted in the
present treaty.

"Article V. — Considering, furthermore, that, in the course of
the wars brought about by the events of the Revolution, all
the countries adjacent to France, notably the Netherlands,
Germany, and Piedmont, have successively witnessed the
demolition of those fortified places which formed their
barriers, and that the security of these countries and the future
peace of Europe render it equally desirable, that an equilibrium,
essentially favourable to the maintenance of general peace,
should be established between them, for their mutual means of
defence, the allied Powers believed they could not better attain

THE SECOND RESTORATION. 193

this object, than by proposing to France to take upon herself, a
part of the expenses connected with the construction of a
certain number of fortified places on the frontiers opposed to her
own, and to facilitate and complete this measure, by giving up
in favour of the allies all claim to some of those places situated
on the most advanced points of the line of fortifications ; and
His Most Christian Majesty, fully sensible of the advantages
that France, after such long and continued agitations, will
reap, by the consolidation of a general peace, and ready, in
order to obtain so great a benefit, to submit to any sacrifice
which does not compromise the substantial integrity of his
kingdom, having acceded to the propositions of the Powers, it is
agreed, that, independently of the pecuniary indemnity stipu-
lated for in the preceding article, the French government shall
furnish the allies, with a sum of two hundred millions, to cover
in part the expenses resulting from the re-establishment of
their defensive system, and shall cede the fortified towns of
Conde, Givet, Charlemont and Saarlouis, with sufficient radius
of territory, as has been designated in Article II.

"Article VI. — The state of disquiet and ferment, which
France must experience after so many violent upheavals, and
more especially after the last catastrophe, the duration of which,
in spite of the paternal intentions of her king and the advan-
tages secured by the constitutional Charter it is difficult to
determine, demanding, for the security of the neighbouring
states, precautionary measures and temporary guarantees, it has
been judged indispensable, to occupy provisionally, by a body
of troops, certain military positions along the French frontier,
with the express understanding, that this occupation shall
cause no prejudice to the sovereignity of His Most Christian
Majesty, nor to the state of possession, such as is recognized and
drawn up in this present treaty.

" The number of these troops shall never exceed one hun-
dred and fifty thousand men. The commander-in-chief of this
army shall be nominated by the allied powers.

" This army corps shall occupy the towns of Valenciennes,
Bouchain, Cambrai, Maubeuge. Landrecies, le Quesnay, Avesnes,
Rocroi, Longwy, Thionville, Bitche, and the entrance of the
bridge of fort Louis.

" The town of Strasbourg shall be evacuated by the troops
of the line, and committed to the civic guards, the citadel
remaining occupied by the allies.

" Or it will be entirely evacuated, disarmed, and entrusted
to the local guards.

"The line which will separate the allied and the French

VOL. III. O

194 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

armies, shall be specially indicated. The towns comprised in
this line, and unoccupied by the allied troops, shall be entrusted
to the civic guard.

" The maintenance of the army destined for this purpose,
falling on France, a special convention will also regulate the
relations of the army of occupation, with the civil and military
authorities of the country.

" The duration of this military occupation will be limited to
seven years. It will come to an end before the expiration of
this time, if, at the end of three years, the assembled allied
sovereigns, taking into consideration the state of France, agree,
that the grounds which necessitated this measure, have ceased
to exist. But at the expiration of seven years, all the towns
and positions occupied by the allied troops shall without
further delay be evacuated and restored to His Majesty Louis
XVIII., or to his heirs and successors.

"Paris, September 1815."

(Here follow the signatures.)

I was filled with the profoundest indignation on the receipt
of this communication, which was more insolent in its form,
than in the actual demands it contained.

There was only one opinion in the council as to the reply
that I proposed to make to it, and the king fully shared this
opinion. I therefore addressed the following note to the allied
plenipotentiaries, regretting deeply that I was unable to express
in it the indignation that I felt ; the circumstances however de-
manded a painful reticence and prudence :—

Note of the French Plenipotentiaries in reply to
THE Propositions made by the Allies.^

" The undersigned plenipotentiaries of His Most Christian
Majesty, have immediately brought to his knowledge the com-
munications made to them in yesterday's conference, by their
excellencies, the plenipotentiaries of the four Powers assembled
regarding the definite arrangement, for the basis of which their
excellencies have proposed :

" I. The cession by His Most Christian Majesty, of an
amount of territory equal to two-thirds of that which had been
added to ancient France by the treaty of the 30th May, and

^ The reply is dated 2ist September.

THE SECOND RESTORATION. 195

which would comprise the towns of Cond6, Philippeville, Marien-
bourg, Givet, Charlemont, Saarlouis, Landau, and the forts of
Joux and of the Ecluse. .

" 2. The destruction of the fortifications of Hiiningen.

" 3. The payment of two sums, one of six hundred millions,
as an indemnity, the other of two hundred millions, wherewith to
construct fortified places in the countries adjacent to France.

"4. The occupation for the space of seven years, of the
fortresses of Valenciennes, Bouchain, Cambrai, Maubeuge, Lan-
drecies, le Quesnay, Avesnes, Rocroi, Longwy, Thionville, Bitche,
and the head of the bridge of fort Louis, as well as a line,
following the northern and eastern frontiers, by an army of one
hundred and fifty thousand men, under the command of a
general to be nominated by the allies, and subsidised by
France.

"His Majesty being extremely anxious, to hasten as far as in
him lies, the conclusion of an arrangement, the delay of which
has caused such innumerable evils to his people — which he
daily deplores — and has prolonged, and continues to prolong, the
internal agitation in France, which have excited the solicitude of
the great Powers : and, being still further animated by the
desire to communicate his friendly dispositions to the sov-
ereigns his allies, has desired that the undersigned should com-
municate to their excellencies the plenipotentiaries of the four
courts, without loss of time, the principles on which he believes
that the negotiation relating to each of the proposed bases,
should be carried on, and by ordering them to submit the
following observations on the first-named basis, which concerns
the territorial cessions, in which this important subject is
viewed under the twofold aspect of justice and of utility,
which it would be dangerous to separate from it.

The absence of any common arbitrator, possessing authority
and power to put an end to the dissensions of the sovereigns,
would leave no other course open to them, when they can no
longer adjust these differences amicably, than to resort to
arms, which would thus constitute a mutual state of war.

If therefore under such circumstances, the possessions of one
party were occupied by the adversaries' troops, these possessions
would be in occupation ; and by right of conquest the full
enjoyment and possession of the same, would be acquired by the
occupants, during the entire period of occupation, or until peace
be re-established

Justice demands that, as a condition of this re-establishment
of peace, the territory thus occupied, should be ceded to the
occupier in whole or in part, and that as soon as the cession

O 2

196 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

has taken place — the character of the tenure being changed
from temporary to actual possession, — the occupier should be-
come its sovereign. This way of acquiring territory is authorized
by international law.

But the state of war, conquest, and the right to demand
territorial cessions, are facts which precede and depend on each
other, so that the first named is a necessity for the existence of
the second, and the third an absolute sequence of the second, as,
apart from a state of war, no conquest can take place, and where
there has been or is no longer, any conquest, the right to demand
cessions of territory could not exist, as no nation can demand
to keep that which it never possessed or ceases to possess.

No conquests can be made excepting in a state of war, and
as from those who have nothing, nothing can be taken, conquests
can only be made over those who have possessions ; from which
it follows that there must be war between the occupiers and the
possessor or sovereign of a country, before any conquest can
ensue, the rights of possession and the sovereignty of a state,
being inseparable or rather identical.

If therefore war is made in a country, and against a number
more or less great of the inhabitants of that country, but that
the antagonism is not extended to the sovereign thereof, it is
clear that war is not made against this state, this last expression
only signifying that the domain is taken for the possessor. There-
fore a sovereign is excluded from a war which foreigners make
in his territories, as long as. they recognize him and interchange
ordinary peaceful relations with him. War is then made against
the people, to whose rights their antagonists could not succeed,
they having no rights over which any conquests could be made.

The aim or effect of such a war could not be to conquer, but
only to recover : therefore those who recover what does not
belong to them, can only do so with the object of restoring it to
whomsoever they recognize as the legitimate owner.

For a state to believe itself to be at war with any other
country, without including the sovereign of that country, who
had formerly been recognized as such, would necessitate one of
two things : either the sovereignty must be regarded as being
transferred from the sovereign to those who are being fought
against, by the act itself for which they are being fought ; that
is, sanctioning and recognizing those doctrines, which have over-
thrown so many thrones, and which have been the cause of the
general war made against them by the whole of Europe ; or else
to believe that such an anomaly as a double sovereignty could
exist ; whereas a sovereignty is essentially one, and can never
be divided. It may exist in various forms : either collective or

THE SECOND RESTORATION, 197

individual, but never in both forms in the same country, which
cannot acknowledge two sovereigns at the same time.

The allied powers did not however take either of these
two views.

They considered Bonaparte's enterprise as the most heinous
crime that man could commit, the mere attempt of which puts
him outside the pale of international law. In his adherents
they only saw the accomplices of this crime — accomplices whom
it was their duty to fight, quell and punish, which effectually
excluded the supposition, that they could possess, acquire, con-
fer, or transfer any rights whatsoever.

The allied powers have never for an instant ceased to recog-
nize His Most Christian Majesty as king of France, nor conse-
quently denied to him the rights which appertain to him in this
capacity. They have never ceased to be on friendly terms with
him, which fact alone binds them to respect his rights. They
took upon themselves, formally as well as implicitly, to respect
these rights by their declaration of the 13th of March, and in
the treaty of the 25 th. This engagement was further circum-
scribed by including the king, through his accession to the
treaty, in their alliances against a common enemy. If therefore
no conquests can be made over a friendly power, they can still
less be made over an ally. It cannot be said that the king could
only be allied with the other powers, by co-operating with them
actively, and that he failed to do so. if the total defection of the
army, which was already known and reputed inevitable at the
time of the treaty of 25th March, prevented his making use of
the regular forces, those Frenchmen, who to the number of sixty
or seventy thousand took up arms for him in the Southern and
Eastern departments, and those who showed themselves dis-
posed to bear arms (forcing the usurper into the necessity of
dividing his forces), as well as those who, in lieu of the resources
of men and money, he required after his defeat at Waterloo, only
left him the alternative of totally abandoning the enterprise,
were very real and useful auxiliaries to the allies.

Finally the allied powers, as their forces gradually advanced
into the French provinces, re-established the authority of the
king, which measure would in itself have annulled any con-
quests in these provinces, even if any such had in reality been
made.

It is therefore evident that the territorial cessions demanded
cannot be based on any conquests made.

Neither can they be based on the sums disbursed by the
allied powers, as if it be just that the sacrifices they were forced to
make for a war, entered into for the general good, though for the

198 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

more especial good of France, should not be at their expense ;
it would, on the other hand, be equally fair that they should
be satisfied with a compensation commensurate with the
sacrifices made. The allied powers have not, however, sacrificed
any territorial possessions.

We live in times in which, more than in any others, it is
important to strengthen confidence in the promises of kings.
The cessions required from His Most Christian Majesty would
produce quite the opposite effect, after the declaration, in which
the powers announced, that they were only armed against
Bonaparte and his adherents, and after the treaty in which they
undertook to maintain, in their integrity, the stipulations of the
lOtk May, 1 8 14, which cannot be maintained if that of France
be abandoned, after the proclamation of their commanders-in-
chief, in which the same assurances are renewed.

Any cessions demanded of His Most Christian Majesty
would deprive him of the means of extinguishing completely
and for ever, the spirit of conquest amongst his people ; that
spark, which fanned by the usurper into a flame, would infallibly
burst forth again, in the desire to recover that which the French
nation would never believe it had been justly deprived of

Any cessions exacted from His Most Christian Majesty,
would be regarded as a crime committed by him, as if he had
thereby bought the succour afforded by the allied powers, and
would thus be an obstacle to the strengthening of that royal
prerogative, which is so essential to legitimate dynasties, and so
necessary for the peace of Europe, in as far as this peace
depends on the internal tranquillity of France.

Lastly, the cessions exacted from His Most Christian
Majesty, would destroy, or at any rate alter, the equilibrium, to
the establishing of which the powers have devoted so much care
and made so many sacrifices and efforts. They themselves
were the arbitrators of the boundaries of France. How there-
fore can the measures they considered necessary, only a year
ago now, cease to be so regarded .'' On the European
continent, there already exist two powers, surpassing France in
extent and population ; their relative greatness would neces-
sarily increase in proportion to the actual decrease of the great-
ness of France. Would this be in conformity with the interests
of Europe .'' Would this eventuality even be in accordance with
the interests of those two states, taking into consideration the
relations which they occupy to each other .'

If in a small democracy of ancient times, the mass of the
people, learning that one of their generals was about to propose
a measure, which, though beneficial, was not in accordance with

THE SECOND RESTORATION. 199

strict justice, all rose in a body and declared unanimously that
they did not desire even to know what this measure was, can it
be doubted that the monarchs of Europe would unanimously
deprecate a step, not only unjust in itself but also pernicious ?

It is therefore with the greatest confidence that the under-
signed have the honour to submit the preceding remarks to the
allied sovereigns.

His Majesty, however, in spite of the grave inconvenience
attaching to all territorial cessions, will consent to the re-establish-
ing of the former limits at those points, where an accession was
made to the boundaries of ancient France, by the treaty of the
30th May.

He also consents to the payment of an indemnity, but of such
a nature as would leave him the means to supply the want of
the home administration of the kingdom, in default of which it
would be impossible to achieve the establishment of that order
and tranquillity, which were the sole aim of the war.

He will also consent to a provisional occupation.

The duration of this occupation, the number of fortresses,
and the extent of country to be occupied, will be the subject of
further negotiations.

But the king does not hesitate to at once declare, that an
occupation of seven years' duration, being incompatible with the
tranquillity of the kingdom, is utterly inadmissible.

The king therefore admits primarily, the cession of any terri-
tory which did not form part of ancient France ; the payment of
an indemnity ; a provisional occupation by a number of troops,
and for a certain period, to be determined later on.

His Most Christian Majesty is impressed with the belief, that
the allied sovereigns will consent to establish negotiations on these
three fundamental principles, and that they will introduce into the
negotiations that spirit of justice and moderation, by which they
are actuated, in order that the arrangements may be promptly
concluded, to their mutual satisfaction.

If these principles be not adopted, the undersigned are not
authorized either to entertain or to propose any others.

(Signed) PRINCE DE TALLEYRAND.

The Due de Dalberg.
Baron Louis."

I am still firmly convinced, that by clinging with energy and
decision to the principles and ideas developed in this Note, we
should have triumphed over the demands of the plenipotentiaries
of some of the allies, and that we should have maintained our

200 THE MEMOIRS OF pRINCE TALLEYRAND.

position, conceding only (i), an insignificant cession of territory
under pretext of a rectification of the frontier ; (2), a contribution
of at most three or four millions of francs ; (3), a temporary
occupation by foreign troops of a few fortresses, in order to
give time to reorganize the army. But those foreign cabinets
which were animated by the greatest spirit of revenge and
rapacity, and who besides, were informed of the network of in-
trigues by which the king's weakness was surrounded, insisted
on the pretentions formulated in the Note of the 15th September,
and replied to the Note of the 20th by the following : —

Reply of the Ministers of the Allies.

22 September, 1S15.

" The undersigned plenipotentiaries of the four allied courts,
have received the Note in which the plenipotentiaries of France
have replied to the communications which had been made to
them in the conference of the 20th of this month, relating to a
definite settlement of affairs. They have been surprised to
find in this draft, a long series of remarks on the right of
conquest, on the nature of the wars to which it may be applied,
and on the grounds which should have prevented the Powers
from resorting to it in the present instance.

" The undersigned believe themselves to be all the more
exempt from prosecuting this argument with the French pleni-
potentiaries, that none of the propositions that they made, by
order of their august sovereigns, to adjust the present and
future position of France with Europe, were based on right of
conquest, and that they studiously avoided anything in their
communications which could lead to a discussion on this right.

" The allied courts, always taking into consideration the
re-establishment of order and the consolidation of the royal
authority in France as the principal object of the steps they
had taken, but being also convinced that France could never
enjoy a permanent peace, if the neighbouring countries con-
tinued to nourish either feelings of bitterness or continual
alarm towards her, consider that the principle of due com-
pensation for the losses and sacrifices incurred in the past,
as well as that of a sufficient guarantee for the future safety of
the neighbouring countries, is the only proper means of putting
an end to all discontent and fear : and that this consequently is

THE SECOND RESTORATION. 201

the sole and true basis of any permanent or durable arrange-
ment. It was on these two principles only, that the allied
courts based their propositions, and the drawing up of the
project itself, which the undersigned had the honour to hand to
the French plenipotentiaries, stated the same most distinctly in
each article.

"The French plenipotentiaries themselves, whilst maintaining
complete silence with regard to the second of these principles,
recognize the justice of the first.

" It is however evident, that the necessity of guarantees for
the future, has become more perceptible and more urgent than it
was at the time of the signing of the treaty of Paris. Recent
events have struck terror and alarm throughout the whole of
Europe. At a time when sovereigns imagined they were about
to enjoy a long interval of peace after numerous troubles, these
events have provoked agitation, changes, and sacrifices in all
quarters, such as are inseparable from a general upheaval.

" It is impossible immediately to efface, from the minds of
contemporaries, the recollection of such an upheaval. What
might therefore have satisfied them in 18 14, would entirely fail
to do so in 18 15. The line of demarcation which sufficed to
reassure the states contiguous to France at the period of the
treaty of the 30th May, can no longer answer to the just claims
they now make. France is now bound to offer them some
further pledge of security. This she should determine to do as
much from a feeling of justice and expediency, as with a view to
her own personal interests ; and in order to compass the happi-
ness and tranquillity of the French nation, it is imperatively
necessary that their neighbours should be in the same state.

" These are the powerful motives which have actuated the
allied courts, when making their demands of territorial con-
cessions from France. The inconsiderable extent of these
cessions, the choice of the positions on which they bear, suffi-
ciently prove that they are not in keeping with any views of
aggrandizement or conquest, and that the safety of the adjoining
states was their sole and single aim in making these demands.
These cessions are not of a nature to attack the substantial
integrity of France ; they only embrace detached portions of
land and very advanced points of her territory ; they could not
weaken her materially in either her administrative or military
position ; her system of defence would not be affected by them ;
France will remain none the less a state which is one of the best
defined, best fortified in Europe, and the richest in resources
of all kinds, to enable her to resist any danger from invasion.

" Without entering into these major considerations, the pleni-

202 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

potentiaries of France, however, admit the principle of con-
cessions relating to those points which the treaty of Paris had
added to the limits of ancient France. The undersigned have
some difficulty in comprehending on what this distinction could
be founded, and in what the essential difference between the
former and present territory would consist from the point of
view of the allied powers. It is impossible to suppose that the
French plenipotentiaries would wish to insinuate in these
present transactions, the doctrine of the pretended mviolability of
the French territory. They are only too well aware that this
doctrine was brought forward by the chiefs and apostles of the
revolutionary system, and formed one of the most revolting
chapters of the arbitrary code they wished to impose upon
Europe. To assert the principle that France is able to extend
her dimensions, acquire provinces, unite them to her territory
by conquests or treaties, whilst she alone enjoys the privilege
of never losing any of her ancient possessions, either through
the misfortunes of war, or by those political arbitrations which
would ensue therefrom, would completely destroy all notion of
equality or reciprocity between the great powers.

" With regard to the last portion of the Note of the French
plenipotentiaries, the undersigned reserve to themselves a
complete explanation, until they meet at a conference they
have the honour to propose to the French plenipotentiaries.

" (This last paragraph related to the duration of the stay of
the foreign troops in French territory.)"

(Here follow the signatures.)

When I took this Note to Louis the XVIIIth, I found him
much alarmed as to the results it might have. The emigrant
faction, who above all dreaded being abandoned to their own
resources, had so convinced the king, that to irritate the allies by
any peremptory refusals, would compromise both himself and
the kingdom of France, that his courage at last gave way.
He informed me that negotiations must still be continued, that
various temperaments must be gauged, and that although only
at the last extremity must the present position be abandoned,
yet when that point was reached, full concessions must be made.
But to treat with a demand for cessions was virtually to admit
that they were legitimate : it meant reducing the dispute merely
as to the amount to be considered ; in short, rendering us
powerless to do anything but concede.

THE SECOND RESTORATION. 203

For my part I felt convinced that this measure would stultify-
all my former proceedings at Vienna, and would cancel all the
precautions I had taken, lest at any time the alliance then
formed against Bonaparte, should be turned against ourselves.
I was therefore immovably determined never, under any plea
whatsoever, to recognize a right which the allies could not
possibly have, nor to affix my signature to any act treating of
the concession of any portion of territory. The other ministers
were of the same mind. The king, however, placed between
the allies who were reiterating their demands, the courtiers who
feigned an anxiety for the safety of his person which they did
not really feel, and a minister whose views were immovable,
and who did not fear to oppose himself to the princes of the
council, found himself in so hopeless and cruel a dilemma, that
I felt obliged to relieve him, by tendering him my resignation,
the other ministers also offering to retire from office.^

I would not listen to the entreaties of M. de Metternich,
Lord Castlereagh, and his brother Lord Stewart, who all three
came to beg me not to separate myself from them. Lord
Castlereagh went so far as to say, " Why will you not become
minister of Europe with us .' " " Because," I replied, " I wish
only to be minister of France, and this you will see by the
manner in which I have replied to your Note."

My resignation was irrevocably tendered. The king
accepted it with the air of a man greatly relieved. My re-
tirement was also a relief to the Emperor of Russia, who did
me the honour to hate in me, not, as he said, the friend of the
English (he knew well enough, that if I had made auxiliaries
of the English against him, when he had flattered himself that
he would carry the frontier of his empire as far as the banks of
the Oder, I was on that account no more their friend than the
interest of Europe in general and those of France in particular
demanded) but the man, who having seen him in close proximity
in many different situations, in good and in bad fortune, knew
exactly how far to count on the generosity of his character, on
his former liberalism, and on his recent devotion ; he required
a dupe, and this I could not be. But what pleased him most

^ 24th September.

204 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

was, that the man who succeeded me in the double functions of
President of the Council and Minister of Foreign Affairs, was a
Russian Lieutenant-General, formerly governor of Odessa, the
Due de Richlieu, an undoubtedly good man, but a novice in
diplomacy, and somewhat credulous. Fully persuaded, that
among the images of the divinity on earth, there was none
nobler than the Emperor Alexander, he thought he could not
do better, when assuming charge of the affairs of France, than
secure the abilities and support of this monarch.

I retired from office without very great regret ; truth to
say, the honour of governing France ought to be the aim of the
noblest ambition, but circumstances at that time were such,
that the gratification of this ambition would have been too
dearly purchased by me.

Independent of the sacrifices demanded by our allies (now
become our enemies), I should have had to encounter difficulties
which affected me personally, and which would have made the
exercise of power almost impossible for me. Louis XVIII., even
whilst granting the Charter, only admitted with regret the con-
sequences in what related to the independence of his ministers,
and bore with scarcely concealed dislike, the burden of gratitude
be felt he owed to me. His courtiers, encouraged by the
success of the elections which had resulted in a Chamber of
deputies eager for reaction, would have constantly endeavoured
to undermine the cabinet over which I presided. The Chamber,
itself, supported by the secret opposition of the king, would not
have failed to exhibit even more animosity and violence, than
it did in the presence of a ministry which had chosen modera-
tion for its badge. I had sufficiently appreciated the value of
the inflammatory battles of the tribune during 1789 and 1791, to
know that in France they can but end in disorder, if there is
not sufficient authority to confine them to the simple and calm
discussions of the affairs of the kingdom. My age too, and the
fatigue I had undergone through past events, would have pre-
scribed the retirement for which I yearned. I can therefore say
that it was without regret that I withdrew from public affairs,
fully determined never again to take their leadership.

It will only be by my votes, that I can in future serve my

THE SECOND RESTORATION. 205

country and the government I have desired for her, because I
believe it to be the one best adapted to her happiness and her
actual needs. If our new institutions are really understood
and sincerely carried into effect, I have the firm hope that
France will again very speedily take the place which she ought
to occupy in Europe, both for her own glory and the interests
of civilization and the world.

I here finish these recollections which must close the end of
my political career. In writing these last lines I am happy in
being able to bear witness to myself, that if I have committed
faults, and errors during this perhaps too protracted career, they
have only been to my personal disadvantage, and that, animated
by the most profound love for France, I have always served her
conscientiously, seeking for her that which I honestly believed
would benefit her most. Posterity, rather than contemporaries,
will judge more liberally and more independently of those, who,
placed like myself on the great stage of the world, during one
of the most extraordinary epochs of history, have by this fact
the right to be judged with greater impartiality and greater
equity.

ValencAY, August, 1 8 16.

ADDENDUM.!

Varis, January, 1824.

I FIND myself obliged to add a few words to these recollec-
tions, while at the same time regretting the necessity of having
to recall so painful and sad an event, which I did not even wish
to touch upon in the preceding pages.

I have always disdained to reply to the libellous and wicked
accusations, which in times like those I lived in, could not fail
to reach the persons who devoted themselves to any great
public work. But there is a limit to this disdain, and when
bloody questions are raised, such silence (at least as regards
posterity) is no longer possible. The wickedness and the
crimes of my accusers, shamelessly exposed by their own
recitals, would possibly in ordinary cases be a sufficient
refutation of their accusations. But in this actual affair, the
nature of the facts, their historical importance, the fraction of
truth in the recitals themselves, the high position of the persons
concerned, the honour of my name and family — all force me to
throw off the stigma of blood, that cupidity and passionate
hatred would fain cast upon me.

I have been accused hy M. Savary, Due de Rovigo, of being
the instigator, and consequently the author, of the horrible out-
rage (of which he confessed himself to have been the instrument)
perpetrated twenty years ago upon the Due d'Enghien. M. le
Marquis de Maubreuil^ on the other hand, declares that in 18 14

^ This addendum was written in 1825, to answer the accusations of the Due de
Rovigo. The duke had published in 1823, an extract from his memoirs relative to
the Due d'Enghien, in which he formally accuses M. de Talleyrand of having pro-
posed and advised the arrest and execution of this prince. M. de Talleyrand herein
defends himself.

^ Marie-Armand Guerri de Maubreuil, Marquis d'Orsvault (1782-1855), belonged
to an ancient Breton family. At the Revolution he followed his family abroad, and
returning to France in 1797, served in the ranks of the Vendeans. Later on he
entered the army, and became equerry to King Jerome. Falling into disgrace, he
led from that time a most exciting existence, and launched into numerous specula-
tions. In 1814 he became mixed up in the singular adventures related in this ad-

ADDENDUM. 207

I attempted to bribe him, to assassinate the Emperor Napoleon
while in the island of Elba. Madness has strange aberrations
sometimes ! That is all I have to say about this last accusation,
which is so absurd and so senseless, that it could only have
been invented by a fool or a madman. But M. Savary is
neither the one nor the other, and I wish therefore to reply to
him first.

All M. Savary's accusations, it is true, are lost sight of in
those he has made against himself. Never did a man cognisant
of a crime, more imprudently and shamelessly unmask himself.
Is it necessary to follow him into the abyss into which he has
voluntarily thrown himself, in order to answer vain and false
accusations ? These allegations are however connected with
publications which come from a different source. Documents
have come or are said to have come from St. Helena, and have
been published with the sole object of re-establishing a great
reputation, defiled by the studied and impassioned calumnies,
of all the most celebrated contemporaries. I therefore feel
honoured, in seeing my name continually associated with those
of all the princes and ministers of the day. I cannot but con-
gratulate myself that so large a share should have been reserved
for me, in the expressions of anger, the chief motive of which
was to satisfy implacable and jealous hatreds, and to punish
France for her past glory, her recent misfortunes, and her hopes
of the future. Nothing that has been found in these crude col-
lections of idle discourses, vain boastings, pedantic dissertations
and- libellous calumnies, could be brought forward as a proof
against any one.

In these writings, the same as in M. Savary's pamphlet, two
letters of mine have been mentioned ; they have not however
been correctly reported. I will now give them word for word
as they ought to be in the archives, and I assume all the
responsibility of them to this day. These letters however do
not represent the painful part of the duty I had then to per-
form ; I have nothing to hide about this shocking catastrophe,
for the share I had in it has been made public, and if it inspires
me with painful regrets, it leaves me without any remorse.

dendum, and which have not yet been cleared up. Being arrested in April, 1814,
released ia March, 1815, and re-arrested by the emperor's orders, he managed to
escape into Belgium, but was there seized by Louis XVIII. He was released by
order of the King of the Netherlands, and returned to France. In 1816 he was
again arrested, and again escaped, it is said by connivance of the police. After
many vicissitudes, he revisited Paris in 1827. He assaulted M. de Talleyrand, whom
he blamed for all his misfortunes, in the cathedral of Rheims on the 2lst of January,
for which he was condemned to five years' imprisonment. Nothing more was heard
of him after this.

2o8 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

Let me briefly recall the facts ; it will be the best way to
refute the lying imputations of M. Savary.

It is well known that in the end of 1803 and the beginning
of 1804, there were numerous plots against the life of the first
consul. Grave proceedings were instituted during the first
months of 1 804 against George Pichegru, Moreau, and others,
who were accused. During the course of the investigations
made by the police at home, traces of other plots abroad were
discovered, and it was but natural to connect the one with the
other. The head of the general police had been vacant for
several months ; one of the state councillors had been put in
charge of this department, which had thus been placed under
the direction of Chief Justice Regnier.^ This minister on the 7th
of March 1804, (16 Ventdse year XII) made the following report
to the first consul :

Citizen First Consul,

There is a society in Offenburg in the electorate of Baden,
and in all the departments of the Rhine, paid by the English
government. This society is composed of French hnigrh, re-
tired general officers, knights of St. Louis ; their object is to
try and stir up disaffection in the heart of the republic, by all
possible means.

Their principal agent is an /7«z^r/ called Mucey, a man well
known for some time past for his intrigues and the implacable
hatred he has sworn against his country.

This miserable wretch is charged by his party, to introduce
into France and to circulate freely, the incendiary mandates of
the rebellious bishops, as well as the infamous libels which are
concocted abroad, against France and her government.

A man called Trident, postmaster at Kehl, is the individual
employed by the society, to transmit their correspondence to
their confidential agents at Strasburg. These agents are known,
and orders have been given for their arrest.

I do not think however that these measures will suffice.
Public tranquillity as well as the dignity of the nation and its
chief, require the destruction of this nest of intriguers and con-
spirators, who are in Offenburg, and who come to brave the
republic and its government at its very gates, as it were ! It is

^ Claude-Ambroise Regnier, Due de Massa, born in I736> was a barrister at
Nancy in 1789, when he was elected deputy to the States-General. In the end of
year III. he seconded Buonaparte on the l8th Brumaire, became State Councillor,
Supreme Judge, Minister of Justice, and was for a short time Minister of Police (in
1804). Later on he became a senator, and was appointed President of the Corps
Legislatif in 1813. He died in 1814.

ADDENDUM. 209

necessary that both should be avenged, by their prompt punish-
ment.

I therefore propose, Citizen First Consul, that you at once
demand from his Serene Highness the Elector of Baden the
extradition of Mucey, Trident, and his accomplices.

With salutations and respects. . . .

(Signed) Regniek.
Certified correct.
Secretary of State, HUGUES Maret.

The First Consul, when showing me this report, told me to
forward it to the government of the Electorate of Baden, and to
demand the extradition of the persons therein named.

Here is the note I thereupon wrote to M. le Baron d'Edels-
heim, Minister of Foreign Affairs to his Serene Highness the
Elector of Baden :

Paris, 19 Ventdse, YearXll. {\o March, 1804).

" The undersigned. Minister of Foreign Affairs to the French
republic, has the honour to send to M. le Baron d'Edelsheim,
a copy of a report which the chief justice has made to the
First Consul. He begs your Excellency will place this import-
ant document before his Serene Highness the Elector of
Baden. His Highness will therein find fresh and undeniable
proofs, of the kind of warfare the English government pursues
towards France ; and he will learn, with grieved astonishment,
that in his own state of Offenburg, there exists an association
of French emigrh who are among the most active instruments
in all these horrible plots.

The undersigned is charged to formally demand, that the
individuals who form this society in Offenburg, should be
arrested and delivered up with all their papers to the French
officers ordered to receive them at Strasburg.

The official demand, which the undersigned presents with
regard to this matter, is founded on the text of Article I. of
the treaty of Luneville. And when it is a question of a state
conspiracy, the known facts of which have already roused the
indignation of Europe, the individual feelings of friendliness
that exist between France and his Serene Highness the Elector,
leave no room to doubt that he will, at the request of the
French government, hasten to execute this chief stipulation of
the treaty of Luneville, and also in other ways further assist to
unveil these machinations, which menace at the same time, the

VOL. III. P

2IO THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

life of the First Consul, the safety of France, and the peace of
Europe.^

The undersigned is ordered to demand, that sweeping and
irrevocable measures should be taken, to send away all the
French emigres from the lands that form the Electorate of Baden.
Their stay in the part of Germany nearest to France, cannot
but be a source of disquietude and of trouble, as well as a
temptation to themselves, to enter into intrigues, by which
England profits and which she utilizes to further her own
detestable schemes.

And when it is remembered that the emigrh, who are still
out of France, are all men, plotting against the present govern-
ment of their old country, men whom it has been impossible to
reconcile to any changes or circumstances, and who are in a
perpetual state of antagonism against France, it is evident that
they are among those persons who in accordance with the terms of
the treaty of Luneville, should find neither refuge nor protection
in the German states. Their exclusion is therefore a stern right.
But even if it only depended on the well-known principles and
feelings of his Serene Highness the Elector, there could be no
doubt that he would make every effort to drive forth from his
states, such dangerous characters, and thus give another proof
to the French government, of the great value he attaches to the
friendly relations which so many circumstances have combined
to establish between France and the Electorate of Baden.

The undersigned therefore awaits with full confidence the
decision that will be made by his Serene Highness the Elector
on the two demands he has been charged to convey to him, and
he takes this opportunity to renew the assurance. ..."

This note and the memorandum that accompanied it, fully
prove that it was only on the information furnished by the
police, that the French government demanded the extradition
of some persons and the expulsion of others from the
Electorate of Baden ; and it will also be seen that the informa-
tion, on the strength of which the prosecutions against the Due
d'Enghien were instituted, did not emanate from the Foreign
Office.

My note was despatched on the loth of March : a few hours
later I was summoned to the presence of the First Consul. I
found him in a state of violent excitement. He reproached M.

^ The article of the treaty of Ltineville which covenants for peace between the
Empire and France, lays down: "That no assistance or protection shall be given,
either directly or indirectly, to those who desire the injury of either of the contracting
parties."

ADDENDUM. 211

R^al,^ State Councillor in charge of the general police arrange-
ments, and who was present, for not having known that the
Ducd'Enghien was at Ettenheim with General Dumouriez,^ and
plotting against the safety of the republic and against his, the
Consul's, life, and that the chief centre of these plots was at
Offenburg. Then quickly turning towards me, he reproached
me in the same way, asking how it was that the French chargi
d'affaires at Carlsruhe, M. Massias,^ had not notified such a state of
affairs. As soon as I could put in a word, which was not easy (for
his passion was such that he gave no opportunity for a reply), I
reminded him that he had been for some time perfectly aware
that the Due d'Enghien was in the Electorate of Baden, and
that he had even told me to inform the Elector of Baden that
the prince might reside at Ettenheim ; that as to the intrigues
that were planned at Offenburg, the charg^ d'affaires at
Carlsruhe, M. Massias, might have forgotten or neglected to
mention them in his correspondence, either because he attached
no importance to them, or because he feared to compromise the
Baroness de Reich, who it is said, was a relation or friend of his
wife's.

I tried, but in vain, to soften the wrath of the First Consul.
He showed us the reports sent to him by General Moncey, Chief
Inspector-General of gendarmerie, which in fact announced the
presence of Dumouriez at Ettenheim. These reports, like all
those of a similar nature, were founded more on inferences than
on positive facts, save only that of Dumouriez's presence, which
was asserted, and which nevertheless was not true.

But the First Consul was filled with apprehension ; nothing
would persuade him that these intrigues were not connected
with the plots, inquiries into which were being prosecuted in
Paris. Consequently he then and there took the fatal step, to
order the arrest, by French troops on Baden territory, of all the

^ Pierre Fransois, Comte Real, bom in 1765, attorney at Chatelet in 1799, was
Deputy Attorney to the Commune, and Public Prosecutor to the revolutionary tribunal.
He became Commissary of the department of the Seine under the Directorate.
After the i8th Brumaire he was appointed State Councillor, and attached to the
Police Ministry. He was Prefect of Police during the Hundred Days, and was
exiled at the second restoration, but returned shortly after to France, and died in
1834.

2 The emigri Thumery, who was then w ith the Due d'Enghien, was mistaken
for Dumouriez. The resemblance of manner, added to a German accent, caused
this error on the part of the police agents.

3 Nicolas, Baron Massias, a man of letters and a French diplomat, born in 1764,
was first an officer, then professor of pohte literature. He entered the diplomatic
service under the Directorate, was appointed chargi d'affaires to the district of
Suabia, at Carlsruhe, and then to the Grand Duke of Baden. In 1807 he became
Consul-General at Dantzig. He retired in 1815, and devoted himself entirely to
literature until his death (1848).

P 2

212 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

hnigres who were then at Offenburg and Ettenheim. He
himself dictated the orders to the war minister for the execution
of these instructions, and ordered me to make known to the
Elector of Baden, when too late, the steps he had deemed it
necessary to take. I therefore wrote the letter which I here
insert, to the Baron d'Edelsheim.

Paris, loth Ventdse, Year Xll. (ii March, 1804).
3 o'clock in the morning.

" M. LE Baron,

I had just written a note to you the object of which was
to demand the arrest of the society of French emigres residing
at Offenburg, when the First Consul became aware, through the
arrest of the numerous robbers with which the English govern-
ment has deluged France, and also from the result of the
investigations that have taken place here, of the large share
taken by the English agents at Offenburg in the horrible plots
devised against his person and against the safety of France.
He has also learnt that the Due d'Enghien and General
Dumouriez were at Ettenheim, and as it is impossible that they
should be in that town without the permission of his Serene
Highness the Elector, the First Consul has seen with the deepest
grief, that a Prince to whom it has pleased him to show the
most special marks of the friendship of France, should have
given refuge to his most cruel enemies, and allowed them
quietly to hatch such unheard-of conspiracies.

Under such extraordinary circumstances, the First Consul
considered it necessary to send two small detachments to
Offenburg and Ettenheim, to seize the instigators of a crime,
which from its nature, place those who have been convicted of
taking part in it, outside the pale of the law of nations.

General Caulaincourt is charged with the orders of the First
Consul in this respect. You may feel assured that he will
exercise all the consideration that his Serene Highness the
Elector could possibly wish in their execution. He will have
the honour to convey the letter to your Excellency which I
have been ordered to write.

Receive, M. le Baron, the assurance ..."

In sending this letter to General Caulaincourt, I wrote him the
following lines : —

Paris, 21 Ventdse, Year Xll. (11 March, 1804).

" General,

I have the honour to send you a letter for Baron
d'Edelsheim, Prime Minister of the Elector of Baden, which "ou

ADDENDUM. 213

will have the goodness to send him as soon as your expedition
to Offenburg is completed. The First Consul desires me to say,
that if you are not in a position to take the troops into the
Electoral states, and if you hear that General Ordener^ has not
either done so, this letter is to remain in your hands, and must
not be placed in those of the Elector. I am directed to give
you special orders to take possession of and carry away, the
papers of Madame de Reich.^

I have the honour ..."

I have given these three letters in their entirety, as they
constitute the only real share I had in the deplorable affair of
M. le Duo d'Enghien. It will be easy to judge of my share in
all this, by examining these letters with a little care.

The First Consul had been for some time aware of the
presence of the Due d'Enghien in the Electorate of Baden, the
French charge d'affaires at Carlsruhe had informed us of it in
the name of the Elector of Baden, and he had been informed in
reply, that the inoffensive conduct of the prince, of which he
had given an account, placed no obstacle whatever to his re-
maining there. The Minister of Foreign Affairs took no part what-
ever in the investigations made at that time by the French police,
in the countries adjoining our Rhenish frontier. These investiga-
tions were made, either by the prefet of Strasburg, in com-
pliance with the orders of State Councillor R6al, in charge of
the general police of the Republic, or by the officers of the
local gendarmerie, in accordance with the orders of General
Moncey, chief inspector of gendarmerie. M. Real and M.
Moncey sent the reports they received direct to the First
Consul. I never heard anything about these matters, except
what the First Consul told me, when he had any orders to give
me. Thus, as has been seen, I transmitted to Baron d'Edels-
heim the report of the chief judge, M. Regnier, in which no
mention whatever was made of M. le Due d'Enghien, when on
the receipt of fresh information, the authenticity of which I
tried to disprove, I received the peremptory order to write a
second time to Baron d'Edelsheim. My letter could not have,
in any way, had a share in the arrest of the prince, as it was

' Michael Ordener (1755-1811) enlisted at the age of eighteen, became a non-
commissioned officer in 1789. On the i8th Brumaire he was appointed Command-
ant of the Consular Cavalry Guard. He it was who commanded the detachment
ordered to carry oif the Due d'Enghien. In 1805, Ordener became a general of
division, then a senator (1806), and first equerry to the Empress.

2 The Baroness de Reich had already been arrested at Offenburg by order of
the Baden government, delivered up by it to the French authorities, and with her
papers carried off to Strasburg.

214 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

only intended to inform M. d'Edelsheim of the arrest, after it
had been already effected. The letter to General Caulaincourt
still further proves, that I had provided against the violation of
the Baden territory, thereby clearly showing that I was ignorant
of how precise, imperative, and unavoidable of execution, were
the orders given by the War Minister for the entry of the
troops into the states of the Elector. A still further reason why I
must have been ignorant of the sanguinary project, which the
First Consul had in his own mind decided upon.

I lay stress on these facts, which are supported by all
published and unpublished documents, for they refute, in the
most peremptory manner, M. Savary's perfidious assertions and
insinuations. With the exception of the letters cited above, I
was in complete ignorance of everything, and M. Savary, with-
out knowing it, and certainly against his own wishes, had taken
care to confirm this.

It will be seen, that in one of the most important para-
graphs of his libel, he tries to prove that during this time, the
police investigations were not extended beyond the frontiers,
and that my office was alone responsible for foreign matters.

Nevertheless, further on, he states that the first Consul
was ignorant of the name and even the very existence of the
Due d'Enghien, thus not hesitating to remove all semblance of
truth in his recitals, by putting forth such an absurdity. He
then goes on to show, in fullest detail, all the police measures and
devices, and the means taken by State Councillor Real and the
head of the gendarmerie, in order to obtain correct information
as to the sojourn, the departures, the various correspondents,
and the journeys of this unfortunate prince.

It was in fact on the strength of their reports, and those of
their agents, that the villainous and fatal determination was
taken, and neither I, nor the representatives of my office abroad,
took part either in the premeditation or execution of any of
these measures.

State Councillor Real and the First Consul knew perfectly
well that they would not suit my character, any more than the
principles of my office ; that to expect my intervention in the
matter would be useless, and that therefore it was better to
keep me in total ignorance.

As to the two letters addressed to Baron d'Edelsheim, I
do not think they require any apology ; but if such is deemed
necessary, it will be found in the official position I held at this
period, in the critical position in which great events had then
placed France, and finally in the new and entirely unexpected
relations, which these same events had created, between the

ADDENDUM. 215

government lately established, and the other governments on
the Continent.

I must also here be allowed to make some remarks on the
duties of men in official positions during those calamitous times,
when it pleases Providence to interpose violently between the
personal fate of kings and that of their people.

Then the monarch is absent, his future is hidden, and his
special adherents cling to his fate and share his misfortunes, his
dangers, his hopes. In leaving their native soil, they bind them-
selves indissolubly to his lot, and I do not refuse either my
respect or my admiration to this self-devoted party. But as for
the others, their country still remains to them. She has a
right to be defended, and to be governed. She has also in-
contestably another right, that of claiming from them the same
services they owed to and gave her before the departure of the
sovereign. It was according to this view that I tried to
regulate my conduct.

At this period France, though again engaged in war with
England, was at peace with all the rest of the world. It was
therefore the duty of the Minister of Foreign Affairs to do all
that lay in his power, within the limits of right and justice, to
preserve this peace.

With regard to this, it is almost impossible to describe the
very complicated nature of such a duty. Standing between
governments which were terrified, touchy, and uneasy as to their
danger, though all more or less reconciled to each other, and a
powerful sovereign, whose genius, character, and ambition only
gave too just cause for disquietude and umbrage, the Minister
for Foreign Affairs had constantly to exercise an equal degree
of vigilance on the policy he had to restrict, and on that which
he had to combat.

His negotiations with his own government were often much
more difficult, and much longer, than those he had to carry
through with governments which he had to tranquillize.

The letter addressed to General Caulaincourt, which I have
given above, throws a vivid light on this matter.

It plainly shows that the First Consul had guarded himself
against all such negotiations, and this fact of itself proves, that
I had done everything to prevent occurrences which must
inevitably have led my office into great and inextricable
difficulties. My letters to the Minister of the Elector of Baden
were the prelude to this ; which must not be lost sight of, if the
true view of the matter is desired, that, fortunately for myself, I
had only to justify those measures of which I was cognizant.

To orevent a weak prince from drawing on himself the

2i6 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

enmity of a powerful neighbour, to remove from the French
frontiers the assembly of enemies, who could not harm the
existing government except by imprudent attempts, as fatal to
the peace of Europe as to that of France ; to prevent, in fact, all
causes of misunderstanding between the French Government
and the neighbouring states, this was the object of my first
letter.

It is true the second, contained a scarcely founded justi-
fication of an act which attacks one of the principles of public
right. And for this error I blame myself, but that is altogether
different from more or less plausibly justifying or counselling
such an act and taking part in its execution. The former only
enforces a painful and unhappy necessity, the latter is a crime.

I speak too strongly in describing an infraction of public
right as a crime, when it only means the simple violation of a
neighbouring territory. During this war, and in the course of
all other wars, much graver crimes have been committed by the
enemies of France, by France herself, and by the governments
that ordered them. They were not described as criminal, nor
were their ministers, who undertook to carry them out, and then
had to apologize for committing them.

In the present instance it was a crime, but only as regards
the aim in view, when thus violating strange territory ; and my
ignorance of this aim is my exculpation. Here the crime con-
sisted in the fatal consequences brought about by this violation.

But is it fair in my accusers to assert, without proof, that I
was cognizant of them .■• Such horrible knowledge could only
have been possessed by accomplices.

I must add some further observations to those I have already
made above, on the duties of men in office during exceptional
times. When through force of circumstances a man finds him-
self obliged to live under and serve a government, which has no
other guarantees for the safeguard of its power, than the events
which have caused its rise, and the need of the nation,
many conjunctions may arise in which he has to decide as
to the nature of the duties connected with the position he
occupies. Should the government under which he lives order
him to commit a crime .'' Incontestably and without hesitation
he must disobey ; he must at all risks incur its displeasure and
submit to all the consequences. But should the government,
without his knowledge commit a crime .^ In that case an
argument may be raised on a double hypothesis. If the crime
is against public order, if it draws or may draw the country into
great danger, if it tends to social disorganization, contempt of
the laws, or the ruin of the state, there can be no doubt that not

ADDENDUM. 217

only must it be resisted, but the yoke must be thrown off, and
arms taken up against a power which has become the enemy of
the country it has lost the power of governing.

But if the crime is of an isolated nature, if it is circumscribed
in its object, as well as in its effect, if it has no other result than
to tarnish the name of the man who has committed it, and to
hold up to public condemnation the names of those who have
been its instruments, its executioners, or its accomplices, then
one is forced to grieve over the mixture of grandeur and feeble-
ness, of exaltation and abasement, of energy and perversity, that
flash forth in some characters which it has pleased nature to
produce ; but the distribution of the share of glory or of infamy,
which is their respective due, must be left to the justice of
future ages. Only the fame of those who have committed these
crimes is compromised, and if the law of nations, general
morality, the safety of the state and public order are not affected
by them, then it is right to continue in office. Were it
otherwise, picture the position of a government suddenly deserted
by all the capable, generous, enlightened, and conscientious men
in the country, and all its departments filled by the scum and the
dregs of the population ! What terrible results would not arise
from such a state of affairs, and which could only be attributed
to the neglect of that principle which has just been referred to,
and which not only justifies the engagements which men most
inimical to legitimate governments may find themselves voluntarily
obliged not only to make but also to be faithful to, so long
as the maintenance of social order and the defence of national
rights against foreign enterprises are thereby preserved .■'

Herein we can find an apology for the French administra-
tion during the whole of this period. It must not be forgotten,
that only a short time previously, social order at home and the
political system abroad, had both been a prey to anarchy. It
was left to the French government to put an end to these
excesses, and this noble task it has performed with as much
zeal as success. It will be for historians to relate all that was
then done to calm down the disturbed spirits, to place a curb
on unbridled passions, and to restore order, regularity, modera-
tion, and justice, in all the branches of the services. A good
financial system, the establishment of prefectures, the formation
and proper composition of a large army, the keeping up of the
roads and the publication of the civil code, all date from this
period, and attest the good services done during that time by
the civil and military branches of the French administration.
The peace of Amiens, the political organization of Italy, the
Swi'ss mediation, the first trial of the establishment of a German

2i8 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

Federal system, all bear witness to the activity, the wisdom, and
the high standing of the government which I had formed and
which I directed. If later on, the rules of prudence and
moderation, which with indefatigable patience I established,
maintained, and defended, were allowed to fall into disuse, my
decision to give up office and the period when that decision
was taken, will exculpate me in the eyes of posterity from all
participation in this change. But what was possible to me in
1807 was not so in 18 14, for in the latter case I should have de-
serted the great duties that I felt myself called upon to render
to my country. This view of matters was shared by many
others as well as myself, and it is needless to recall that not a
single voice was raised in the country to protest against the
frightful outrage of which M. le Due d'Enghien was the victim.
It is sad to have to say this, but it is the actual truth, and can
only be explained by the dread possessed by every one of
disturbing a government which had succeeded in rescuing
France from anarchy.

Whatever may be thought of the reasons I have given, and
which I believe to be just and well founded, I will sum up the
points which bear on this deplorable affair, and go over those
which concern myself.

1. That it was neither through the Foreign Office nor
consequently through me, that the First Consul was informed
as to the plots, real or pretended, that were being hatched at
that period on the other side of the Rhine.

2. That I had nothing further to do with the whole
business of the Due d'Enghien, than transmitting to the
Minister of the Elector of Baden, first the report of the minister
of justice, and later on to inform him, when too late, of the
orders given by the First Consul, to Generals Ordener and
Caulaincourt, orders over which I had not, and could not have
had, any influence whatever.

Then as touching the sentence and execution of M. le Due
d'Enghien, it will not, I think, be difficult for me to prove that I
had no share in it whatever. As Minister of Foreign Affairs, I
could have nothing to do with the selection of the council of
war, nor with the execution, of which M. Savary so boldly
accepts the responsibility.

For me therefore to have taken any part in this bloody
drama, it must be supposed that I had done so voluntarily, and
that I had interfered for no other reason than the love of blood-
shed. If my character and my antecedents did not place me
above such an odious and infamous suspicion, there is another
question I could put before my accuser, which he is in a better

ADDENDUM. 219

position to answer than any one else, namely, What interest
could I have in the murder of the Due d'Enghien ? I had taken
no part in any of the crimes of the French Revolution, I had
given sufficient proofs to the First Consul, of my devotion to the
order of things he had established, not to need to inflame his
passionate anger, in order to obtain a confidence which I had
fully possessed for the last five years. Posterity will judge
between me and M. Savary, and all those who, like him, for one
reason or another, seek to throw on me the responsibility of a
crime which I repudiate with horror. I have not, and will not
accuse any one, and have confined myself to writing the sub-
joined letter to the king, which is followed by M. de Vill^le's
answer : —

To King Louis XVIII.

Sire,

I am not telling your Majesty anything fresh when I say,
that I have a great many enemies, both near the throne and also
far removed from it. Some of them have not yet forgotten that I
took a different view to theirs, of the first troubles of the Re-
volution, but whatever their opinion may be, they must know
that it is due to the stand I then took, that I owe the happiness of
having, during a time specially marked by Providence, contributed
so fortunately to the restoration of your august throne and the tri-
umphs of legitimacy. It is this same restoration and this same
triumph that my enemies have not and never will pardon. Hence
all those libels, those voluminous recollections from St. Helena, in
which during the last two years I have incessantly been insulted
and defamed by men who, in selling the true or imputed words
of a deceased celebrity, make capital out of the famous person-
ages of France, and who by this shameless traffic have con-
stituted themselves the testamentary executors of Napoleon
Buonaparte's revenge.

Sire, in this latter class I must place the former minister of
the Emperor, the only one whose name I dare not even
pronounce before your Majesty ; this man who, in an access of
insanity, has recently denounced himself to public prosecution,
as the actual perpetrator of a horrible assassination ; happy if,
by plunging himself in blood, he can, by joining my name to his,
drag me down with him, and dishonour the chief agent of both
Restorations ! Yes, Sire, of both Restorations ! In me they
persecute the days of the 30th of March, 18 14, and the 13th of
April, 181 5 ! Days of glory for me and of happiness for France ;
days which have joined my name to the constitutional charter
that we owe to your Majesty. But it is in vain that envy

220 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLE YRAND.

hatred, and baffled ambition, coalesce to deprive me of my right
to contemporary esteem and historical justice ; I shall be enabled
to defend and transmit these intact to the inheritors of my name.

During the numerous storms that have marked the past
thirty years, calumny has heaped many insults upon me. But
there is one vi^hich up to now has been spared me. Not a single
family has felt itself entitled to demand from me the blood of
any of its members ; and now a madman imagines that, suddenly
giving up these peaceful habits, these moderate views, which
even my enemies have never disputed, I should have become the
author and instigator of a most horrible assassination ! I, who
have never — and I thank heaven for it — spoken a word of
hatred or counselled revenge against any one, not even against
my most bitter enemies, that I should choose to make a single
exception, and that exception, whom .'' A prince of the family
of my sovereigns. And that he should be the victim to signalize
my debut in the career of an assassin ! And that not only
should I have advised this atrocious crime, but that, in addition,
I used every endeavour to subvert the First Consul's clemency,
and that in spite of, and against Buonaparte's orders, and at the
risk of the greatest and most awful responsiblity, I should have
hurried on the execution of the sentence !

And who is the man who dares to accuse me of such
atrocities .' My accuser has made himself sufficiently well known.

Nevertheless, Sire, my name, my age, my character, the high
position I owe to your goodness, do not permit me to submit to
such an outrage without seeking satisfaction. As a peer of
France, I must not ask this satisfaction from the tribunals
entrusted by law with the punishment of calumny ; I shall there-
fore indite my accuser before the Chamber of Peers ; from it I
shall obtain an inquiry and judgment. This trial, Sire, which
I claim from your sense of justice, you will no more dread for
me, than I do for myself. Then calumny will be confounded,
and its impotent rage will expire before the great light of truth.
I have the honour to be, with the most profound respect ....

Prince de Talleyrand.

Paris, i,th November, 1823.

M. DE ViLLiiLE TO PRINCE DE TALLEYRAND.

Prince,

The king has read your letter of 8th November with
great attention.

His Majesty desires me to say, that he notices with surprise,
that it is your intention to call for a special investigation in the

ADDENDUM. 221

Chamber of Peers of the facts just published by M. le Due de
Royigo. His Majesty wishes that the past should be buried in
oblivion, excepting- always as regards the services rendered to
France and to himself

The king could not therefore approve such a needless and
unusual step, which would give rise to vexatious debates, and
revive the most painful recollections.

The high place which you continue to hold at court, Prince,
is a convincing proof, that the imputations which hurt and vex
you have made no impression whatever on his Majesty.

I am, Prince, your Excellency's most humble and obedient
servant,

Joseph de Vil^lle.

Paris, 15M November, 1823.

This letter imposed silence upon me ; I have observed it ; for
though I have deemed it necessary to expose what has just been
read, it is only because it will not be published until long after
my death, when it will establish the truth of the facts, without
provoking the scandals dreaded in 1823.

An announcement inserted in the papers of the 17th March,
1823, stated :

" The king has forbidden the Due de Rovigo to enter the
palace of the Tuileries."

A few days after the receipt of M. de Vilelle's letter, when I
presented myself at the palace, to pay my respects to the king,
his Majesty on seeing me said : " Prince de Talleyrand, you and
yours can come here without fear of any unpleasant encounters."

I have nothing further to add to this recital.

And now one word as to M. de Maubreuil's accusation.
This is so utterly absurd, that it will suffice, I think, to speak of
it in the words used by its author, to cause it to fall to the
ground. It is necessary first, however, to know who M. de
Maubreuil was.

Descended from an old and honourable family in Brittany,
M. de Maubreuil entered the military service, under the
Empire, in 1 807. After serving for some time with the army in
Spain, he was dismissed at a time when no one was removed
from the army, unless for a very grave fault indeed, every
soldier being urgently needed. His name, and the introduc-
tions he contrived to get, secured him a place at the court of
Jerome in Westphalia. This court, as is well known, was not
over scrupulous in its choice of those who composed it ; the
appointment of M. de Maubreuil as equerry to the king, after
the incident in Spain, would be proof enough if this were

222 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

needed. Nevertheless, Maubreuil contrived to get again dis-
missed, even from this court. Returning to Paris, and being in
possession of a considerable fortune, Maubreuil next launched
into business, but into business with people of his own stamp,
as an army contractor. Whether through too great sharpness
on his part and that of his associates, or else through their dis-
honesty, differences soon arose between them and the govern-
ment, resulting, as he declared, in heavy losses to himself, which
irritated him greatly against the Emperor Napoleon. Such was
his position at the fall of the Empire, and it was then, according
to himself, that in the beginning of April 1814, he was several
times sent for to my hotel by M. Roux Laborie,i who filled the
post of secretary to the Provisional Government, and who, in
my name, had suggested to him the assassination of Napoleon ;
that rewards were offered to him to carry out this secret
mission as he calls it, but always through M. Roux Laborie, for
Maubreuil states that he has never spoken to me. These
rewards were to be (I quote his actual words) "horses, carriages,
the rank of Lieutenant-General, the title of Duke, and the
government of a province." He avows that he accepted them
all, and took measures to carry out his secret inissioti. It was
only after leaving Paris, and when already en route, that he ex-
perienced some scruples, and began to realize the horror of the
crime he was about to commit. He thereupon generously
resolved to abandon it, but as he wished to mark his return to
virtue by a good action, he took advantage of the first occasion
that presented itself On his road, he encountered Queen
Catherine, princess of Wurtemburg, and wife of Jerome Buona-
parte, his sovereign in Westphalia. Stopping her carriage, he
ransacked the waggon which followed it, robbed her of all her
money, jewels, and other effects, and returned in triumph to
Paris, where he was greatly astonished at being pursued and
arrested as a common highway robber. This is the abridged
history of my accuser, M. de Maubreuil.

I ask, is not this sufficient in itself to refute the accusation }

There is only one point upon which I have not touched I

wished, ere mentioning it, to say that even now I cannot quite

understand it, and can only bring forward conjectures to explain

it. At the moment of his arrest, Maubreuil was in possession

^ Antoine Roux Laborie, born in 1769, Secretary to the Minister of Foreign
Affairs in 1 792, took refuge abroad after the loth of August. Returning to France, he
was made Chief Secretary of Foreign Affairs, after the iSth Brumaire ; but, compro-
mised in the Royalist conspiracies of that date, he had to conceal himself, and lived
in retirement till 1814. Later on he was made Secretary-General to the Provisional
Government ; followed the Court to Ghent in 1815, and at the second Restoration
was elected Deputy of the Somme, but was not re-elected in 1816. He died in 1840.

ADDENDUM. 223

of passports and regular safe-conducts, given by the allied armies
and by the French authorities, in which he was described as
charged with a mission, which required the utmost expedition.

It will be remembered that in the beginning of April 18 14,
the Provisional Government sent emissaries into all parts of
France, to announce the overthrow of the Imperial Government
and the accession of the legitimate government. It be-
came necessary to choose persons at haphazard, to carry out
these missions, and I can easily believe, that a loudly expressed
hatred to Napoleon would, at that moment, have been a suffici-
ent recommendation to obtain one of these appointments, which
were those of a courier. There was not much time to make
inquiries as to the moral status of those who were thus
employed ; and a man presenting himself under the name of the
Marquis de Maubreuil, and as a victim of the Emperor's
persecutions, would have been accepted without any further
inquiries. The words secret inissio7i, mentioned in his passports,
are quite naturally explained by the circumstances of the case,
for the persons so entrusted with orders from the Provisional
Government, were liable to meet detachments of the French
army, or other authorities, who might have been disposed to
hinder their mission, if aware that its object was to proclaim
everywhere the overthrow of the Imperial Government. I can
see no other possible explanation of these passports and safe-
conducts which were in Maubreuil's possession when he was
arrested.

Then, even as to the grounds for the supposition, that I could
have conceived the idea of assassinating the Emperor Napoleon
(putting quite aside, for the moment, the revolting nature of such
an idea), I would fain ask, what possible interest would it be to
. me, to burthen myself with so odious a crime, when there was
no necessity whatever for it .■• Before his abdication, the Emperor
was at Fontainebleau, surrounded by the glorious remains of his
army, and it would not, I fancy, have entered into any one's head
to go there to assassinate him. After the abdication, he was a
fallen enemy, whose existence was no longer dangerous to any
one. Finally, who would ever believe that the title of duke, and
the government of a province would be offered to a base
assassin, and that such a man as M. de Maubreuil could credit
the reality of any such offers .' But I have already said more
than enough to refute an accusation, if possible even more absurd
than it is infamous. Therefore, in conclusion, I again repeat,
that it could only have been invented by a fool or a madman.

END OF THE NINTH PART.

PART X.

THE REVOLUTION OF 1830— APPENDIX.

1830— 1832.

Effect of the Revolution of July in Europe — Louis Philippe's anxiety to get
his Government recognized by England — Talleyrand recalled to public
life — Is sent as Ambassador to London — His arrival at Dover— Contrasts
his present journey to England, ■with his previous one thirty-six years
before, when an exile from France — Satisfactory interviews with Lord
Aberdeen and the Duke of Wellington — Favourable attitude of the
English Ministers towards France — Talleyrand laments the inefficiency
of his staff — This is counterbalanced by the presence of his niece, the
Duchesse de Dino — She becomes a great favourite in English society
— Outbreak of the Revolution in Belgium — Will England maintain her
policy of non-intervention ? — Lord Aberdeen thinks France and England
should mediate between the King of the Netherlands and the Belgians
— Mediation is not intervention — Talleyrand's sketch of William IV. —
England will act in concert with France respecting Belgium and Portugal
— Animated correspondence as to the seat of the Conferences — Decided
eventually to hold them in London — State of affairs in Portugal — Great
disquietude in France — Russia continues her war preparations — Is anxious
to support the King of the Netherlands — Considers England is pledged
to do the same — Copy of Count Nesselrode's secret despatch to the
Russian Ambassador in London — Talleyrand's account of the opening
of Parliament, after William IV.'s accession— Popular demonstrations in
England in favour of Louis Philippe — Excitement over the " Reform
Bill " — The Duke of Wellington's ministry resign — Formation of the
new Cabinet under Lord Grey — The Princess de Lieven, wife of the
Russian Ambassador — Her great influence in politics — Sketches of the
different members constituting the Conference — Arrival in England of
M. de Flahaut — He brings a scheme from the French Cabinet, for
dividing Belgium between the powers — Talleyrand's reply — Points out
the fatal policy to France of such a measure — England determines to
maintain the independence of Belgium — Various names brought forward
for the Belgian throne — The Belgians ask for the Due de Nemours—
Louis Philippe refuses — The rising in Poland hastens the solution of the

CHARLES MAURICE DE TALLEYRAND-PERIQORD, PRINCE DE BENEVENTO

FROM AN ENGRAVING BY NAPIER

THE REVOLUTION OF 1830. 225

B elgian question — Talleyrand's views as to the restoration of the kingdom
of Poland — Letter from Mdme. Adelaide announcing the result of the trial
of Charles X.'s ministers— Futile protest of the King of the Netherlands
against the decision of the Conference— Prince Leopold of Saxe-Coburg
refuses the Crown of Greece — It is offered to Prince Otto of Bavaria —
M. Van de Weyer sent to London to offer the crown of Belgium to
Prince Leopold — Efforts of M. de Celles to secure the union of Belgium
with France, or the crown for the Due de Nemours — Close of the
eventful year of 1830 — Appendix containing some of Prince Talleyrand's
private correspondence.

I NEVER imagined when, in 18 16, I finished the recital of some
of the events of my life, and my times, that I should ever again
take part in public affairs, and that, consequently, I should have
reason to take up my pen again to complete this narrative. It
is true, I was not wholly satisfied as to the wisdom and ability
of those who then had the direction of affairs in France, but I
did not think that they would lead her to ruin. For a long time,
I confess, I flattered myself with the hope, that I should die
peacefully in the shadow of that throne which my efforts had in
some degree contributed to restore ; and if from 18 16 to 1829, I
was often disquieted, by seeing into what dangerous paths the
government was sometimes led, my fears never went so far as to
imagine the possibility of another Revolution. I tried, at
different times, to give such warnings as I was able. I expressed
my views, sometimes in the Chamber of Peers, sometimes in
private conversation, but while doing so with caution, I never-
theless did not hesitate to point out the perils of the home and
foreign policy, that had been adopted by the government, or
rather had been imposed upon the government, by a party more
imprudent than culpable.

When Charles X. took the foolish step, in 1829, of changing
his ministry, and summoning the most unpopular men to his
council, men who had no other merit than that of obedience, an
obedience that was as blind, as was the obstinacy of the un-
fortunate king. It was impossible to conceal from ourselves,
that we were hastening towards destruction.

I can here honestly declare, that I never ceased to desire the
continuance of the Restoration, and this was only natural, con-
sidering the part I had taken in it ; I did nothing to disturb it,
and utterly repudiate all connection with those who boast that

226 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

they helped in its downfall. In 1814 and 1815 I believed, and I
think so still, that France could have no solid and durable insti-
tutions, except such as were at the same time based on legiti-
macy, and on those liberal and wise principles, of which the
Revolution of 1789 had shown the practical possibility. Such
will always be my opinion and my political faith ; but from the
moment that legitimacy herself betrayed her own principles, by
breaking her vows, it became necessary to look to the safety of
France at all hazards, and at least rescue, if it were possible, the
monarchical principle, independent of legitimacy, in the great
tempest thus raised. The idea of substituting the younger for
the elder branch of the Royal family, similar to what had been
done in England in 1688, had, as it were, become common
town-talk ever since the formation of Charles X. last ministry.
The newspapers, both those that were friendly and those that
were inimical to this ministry, discussed it openly, it was in every-
one's thoughts ; and it was by no means one of the least foolish
acts of this said imbecile ministry, to have thus influenced public
opinion. There was no lack of warning in this respect, but
there was a decided want of that courageous loyalty and firm-
ness, which might have arrested a feeble and credulous prince
on the downward path. And that was a crime, it can be called
by no other name, for it was the cause of the Revolution of July
1830. If Charles X. had not had cowardly servants, ready to
sign the fatal proclamations of that period, they would
necessarily have remained unpromulgated.

But be that as it may, as it is not my intention to make this a
history of the faults of the Restoration, I will confine myself to
the simple facts of the necessity France was under, in con-
sequence of these faults, of choosing another government. It is
the more easy for me to declare, that the choice she then made
was the best possible, under the given circumstances, as I took
no part whatever in its formation. I accepted it, I clung to it as
to a sheet anchor, and I served it energetically; for if this govern-
ment fell, I saw nothing before us but another Republic and the
terrible consequences it would entail — anarchy, a revolutionary
war, and all the other evils from which France had been rescued
with so much difiSculty in 18 15. I did not even go into the
question as to whether Louis Philippe would have done better,.

THE REVOLUTION OF 1830. 227

if he had simply taken the title of lieutenant-governor of the
kingdom, and refused the crown. It had been decided by the
men, who had placed themselves at the head of the movement
set on foot by the proclamations, and who believed that legitimate
royalty would never pardon them for the part they had taken.
Those men placed Louis Philippe in the dilemma, either of
accepting royalty, or delivering France over to a Republic. His
acceptance decided the conduct of those who wished to save
their country above all things. It is easy to reason when the
danger is past ; that is the only answer I will give to those who,
on the day of danger, kept quietly aloof, and on the morrow
appeared in public, loudly blaming and criticising, what they
had not had the courage to prevent.

I saw King Louis Philippe soon after the vote of the 8th of
August, which had assigned the crown to him.i The first subject
we touched on was naturally the impression which this new Revo-
lution would produce in Europe ; we both realized that the first
step to be taken, was to procure the recognition of the principle
of this Revolution by the foreign governments, and obtain, if not
their good-will, at least their absolute non-interference with the
home affairs of France. We naturally looked first to England,
our nearest neighbour, and who, by her institutions and her past
revolutions, ought to be the power best disposed towards us. The
king at once sent over his aide-de-camp General Baudrand,^
who soon returned bringing a recognition of our government by
that of Great Britain, and with fairly friendly sentiments from the
the English Ministry. This first step gained, the king felt, and
so did I, that though this recognition would probably bring about
that of the other cabinets,^ it was in London, that the new gov-
ernment must seek for directions as to its foreign policy. It was
therefore indispensable that an experienced ambassador should
be sent there, and one already well known in Europe. The king
at once offered me this somewhat difficult post. I objected on
account of my great age, the activity that such a mission required,

1 The voting of the Chamber took place on the 7th August.

2 General Comte Baudrand (1774 to 1848) entered as a volunteer 1792, and
served in the corps of engineers. He became colonel in 1815, and, after the Revolu-
tion of 1830, lieutenant-general and peer of France.

^ England recognized the new French government in the end of August. In the
end of October, Russia, Austria, Prussia, and Spain, and all the secondary powers of
Europe likewise acknowledged it. See Appendix, Letter No. 6.

Q 2

228 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

and the endless difficulties that were necessarily connected with
it ; but I was forced to give in to the solicitations of the king
and his Ministry,^ particularly of M. Mole, at that time Minister
of Foreign Affairs. I therefore in this instance, like in so many
others during the course of my life, made up my mind to be
guided by the feeling of duty, and the thought of serving my
country. I thought the new government could only gain
stability by the maintenance of peace, and although at that
time everyone was against me and was of opinion that war was
inevitable, I felt assured that my name, the services I had
rendered Europe in former days, and all my efforts, would
perhaps succeed in averting that most terrible of all evils, a
revolutionary and general war. I am happy to think I suc-
ceeded in this before my career was ended.

We were in the month of September, and on the 3rd, I
received the following note from M. M0I6 : —

" It is half-past six ; I have just returned from the Palais
Royal, dead with fatigue and with a bad headache. The king
is determined, insists on it more than I can tell you. You will
see and judge for yourself It will be discussed this evening at
the council at eight o'clock. Were I less exhausted and in less
pain, I would come and tell you all about it.

" I am yours in everything and for everything.

" M0LE.2

" Friday, Zth September, 1830, 6.30 P.M."

Two days later the king wrote to me : " I wish to have
the gratification of telling you myself, that the Moniteur of
to-morrow will announce an appointment which I have had great
pleasure in making. If my London ambassador is disengaged
to-morrow at 4 o'clock, I shall be delighted if he will come and
see me. L. P.

" Sunday, <^th September, 1830, 9.30 P.M."

' The following formed the Ministry of the nth of Au^l.jC : — M. Dupont de
I'Eure had received the portfolio of Minister of Justice ; Comte Mole, that of Foreign
Affairs; M. Guizot, of the Interior; the Due de Broglie, of Public Instruction,
Religion, and President of the State Council ; Baron Louis, of Finance ; General
Gerard was War Minister ; General Sebastiani, Minister of Marine, and MM.
Lafitte, Casimir Perier, Dupin, and Bignon were ministers without portfolios.

^ ^Iy reason for inserting this note will be seen later on. I wish to say here, once
for all, that I shall intersperse my Memoirs with as many letters and notes as I can,
for I think the best recital in the world does not equal the articles actually written at
the time when the events occurred. — [Ncle hy the Prince de Talleyrand.)

THE REVOLUTION OF 1830. 229

Thus I was Ambassador at London, and it behoved me to
make all my preparations with the utmost despatch. Lord
Aberdeen ^ was Minister of Foreign Affairs in the Cabinet
presided over by the Duke of Wellington. I had had intimate
relations with both in 1814 and i8i5,and I informed them of my
appointment, by writing to Lord Aberdeen, who at once replied
to me.

Foreign Office, 20th September, 1830.

MoN Prince,

I am too much flattered by your recollection of me, not
to feel the necessity of expressing my feelings to you. If,
during a most remarkable period, I was fortunate enough to be
in accord with your Excellency, it is truly not for me to ignore
this privilege and pleasure.

Allow me therefore to assure you, mon Prince, that when you
arrive in England, you will find me eager to renew these friendly
relations, — the more so, as I hope I am not deceived in thinking,
that the principal object of your mission, is to confirm the good
understanding between our two countries.
Accept ....

Aberdeen.

Assured that I was understood by the man with whom I
should have to do with principally, I had only to prepare for my
departure. I left Paris on the 22nd of September reaching
Dover on the evening of the 24th. When I heard the noise of
the guns from the fortress, announcing the arrival of the French
Ambassador, I could not help remembering the time, when,
thirty-six years before, I had quitted these same English shores,
exiled from my country by revolutionary troubles, and repulsed
from British soil by the intrigues of the emigrh ; now I
returned filled with hope, and above all with the wish, to bring
about at last that alliance between France and England, which
I had always considered to be the most solid guarantee for the
happiness of both nations, and the peace of the whole world.
But what obstacles there would be to overcome, ere this end

"■ George Gordon, Earl of Aberdeen, born in 1784, was Ambassador at Vienna in
1814 at the Congress. In 1S28 he became Minister of Foreign Affairs in the Duke of
Wellington's Cabinet, and retired with that ministry on the l6th November, 1830.
He returned to public life in November 1834 under the short Wellington ministry,
as Colonial Secretary, and again in 1841 in the Peel Cabinet. In 1852 he was head
of the ministry that made an offensive and defensive alliance with France. He
retired in 1855, and died in i860.

230 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

should be attained ! But if I hid them from others, in order not
to discourage them, they were none the less apparent to myself :
they were numerous, grave, and of a two-fold nature ; on the
one hand was France, with a hastily-constituted government,
fighting daily for its existence, and unable therefore to inspire
foreign powers with any real confidence. On the other hand, I
was quite aware that a Conservative and Tory ministry governed
England, and that notwithstanding its ready recognition of our
Revolution, it could not look upon it in a favourable light, more
especially after this rising in Belgium, the news of which had
reached me at Calais.^ These were my reflections as I traversed
the rich, beautiful, and peaceable country of England, and
entered London on the 25 th September, 1830. Fortunately,
however, they did not shake either my resolutions or
convictions. And this was as well, for ere long I received
letters from France which were anything but reassuring. M.
Mole wrote as follows :

Paris, idth September, 1830.

MoN Prince,

I received your kind letter from Calais yesterday. I
saw with much pleasure, that you had borne the journey comfort-
ably. The papers, incorrect as their accounts have been, will
have informed you of what has happened here since your de-
parture. At one time, I feared that our official correspondence
would have ceased ere it had begun. Now, I believe that it will
commence, though I cannot say how long it may continue.
Madame de Dino, whom I saw yesterday, and with whom I dine
this evening, will tell you more.

Accept . . .

The Due de Dalberg also wrote to me on the date of 27th of
September : —

You have but just quitted Paris, my dear Prince, and
the papers will have made known to you, the various matters
that have occupied us for the last few days ; I should there-

^ On the 25th of August, the people of Brussels rose in the name of National
independence. On the 1st of September, the Prince of Orange, the eldest son of the
king, arrived beneath the walls of the town, but he was recalled by his father, who
feared that he might side with the insurgents. On the 23rd of September, his
brother, Prince Frederic, entered the town, but was forced to evacuate it after a
struggle of four days. On the 3rd of October following, a Provisional Government
proclaimed the independence of Belgium.

THE REVOLUTION OF 1830. 231

fore have deemed it unnecessary to write to you, if Madame
de Dino had not wished to bring you something more, than the
mere expressions of my sincere devotion to you.

1 have sent word to you, that we were on the verge of a
democratic anarchy. The ministry was about to be dissolved.
Lafitte'^ was to have formed another ministry, from which I
am assured the king has excluded General Lamarque^ and
Mauguin.^

Lafitte withdrew, when he found that ninety deputies were
ranged in opposition, that petitions were being signed at the
Eourse, and that the reports from the departments were un-
favourable to a power that took so low a stand. It remains to be
seen whether matters will continue as they are, until the end of
October. The important question now is, will Belgium come to
some arrangement with her sovereign, who seems to me to be
very obstinate, and who does not speak out frankly and
positively .' If Belgium rises and resists, you will have a change
of government here, followed by a war. Marshal de Trevise
said to me this morning, " The Belgians have begun six months
too soon," and Marshal Soult, who was next him, remarked that
here we were behindhand. If diplomacy is to be carried on by
opinions such as these, I would counsel you, mon Prince, to
retire. You could never do anything. . . .

So much for France. The following extract from my second
letter to M. Mole, will give a correct idea of the views of the
English ministry with regard to us.

^ Jacques Lafitte, born in 1767, entered the office of the banker Perregaux in 1788,
whose confidence he gained completely and became his partner in 1800. At his
death, he succeeded him, became governor of the bank of France in 1814, and
deputy of the Chamber of Representatives in 1815. He was re-elected in 1816-17.
After the Revolution of July, he joined the ministry of the nth August, and was
president of the Cabinet of the 3rd November, 1830. He retired in March, 1831.
He was re-elected each time to the Chamber, except during a short interval in 1837 ;
he kept his seat in the ranks of the opposition until his death (1844).

2 Maximilien, Comte Lamarque, born in 1770, served as a volunteer in 1791,
became a Brigadier-General in 1801, Chief of the Staff of the army of Naples in 1807,
and General of Division the same year. During the hundred days, he was made
governor of Paris, and later, Commander-in-Chief of the army of Vendee. He was
exiled during the second restoration, returned to France in 1818, and was elected
deputy in 1828, becoming one of the most active members of the opposition. _ He
died of cholera in 1832. His funeral gave rise to great disturbances and occasioned
much bloodshed (5th and 6th of June).

3 Francois Mauguin, bom in 1785, called to the bar of Paris in 1813, defended
M. de Labedoyere in 1815, and was pleader in most of the political trials on the
restoration. In 1827 he was elected deputy for Cote-d'Or, and from that time
forth kept his seat in the Chamber, until 1851. He sided with the advanced opposi-
tion in 1830, and was the friend of General Lamarque. He died on the 4th of
June, 1854.

232 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

London, September 27th, 1830.

M. LE COMTE,

Lord Aberdeen having returned to town to-day, I have
requested M. de Vaudreuil ■*• to inform him of my arrival and to
ask him at what time I could see him. He answered imme-
diately that he was ready for me, and would not go out. I had
every reason to be satisfied with this first interview. He most
kindly told me, that when he heard of my arrival in London, he
had shortened his stay in the country and hastened back to
town. Although my visit was a lengthy one, we touched only
(as I intended we should) on general topics, into which I could
easily introduce those principles which govern the policy of
France. To do this I had only to remember the instructions
the king had given me. I could see at once, that his Britannic
Majesty's minister was far more ready to praise, than to combat
them. I could not but be satisfied with what he said on this
subject.

On leaving Lord Aberdeen, I went to the Duke of Welling-
ton, who had also returned this morning. Here also I had every
reason to be well pleased with the reception accorded to the
king's minister. The Duke's sentiments were quite favourable
to the state of things which fortunately^ now exists in France.
Nevertheless, as in the course of our conversation, he made use
of the word unfortunate in speaking of the Revolution, brought
on by the foolish actions of the late government, I thought I
ought to take notice of this expression, and said that no doubt
it had been suggested to him, by a very natural feeling of pity
for those, whom this Revolution had dethroned ; but that he
must feel convinced that it was not a misfortune, either for
France — saved by it from the terrible position in which the
policy of the late government had placed it — or for the other
States, with whom we are desirous of remaining on friendly
terms, and from which we shall never deviate, if, as we have the
right to demand, the dignity of France is always respected.

After this observation of mine, made in a somewhat excited
tone, the duke rather withdrew the expression he had used, by
hastening to endorse the view I had suggested to him.

I believe, M. le Comte, that I can certainly augur, from these
first interviews, that the personal feelings of the English ministers
will not complicate the difficulties that may arise from the very
nature of the matters I shall have to treat of with them.

Lord Aberdeen has not yet been able to tell me at what date

^ Victor Louis Rigaud, Vicomte de Vaudreuil, was born in 1799, entered the
diplomatic service in 1815 and had been secretary at the Hague, at Cassel, at London,
and at Lisbon. In 1830 he was Chief Secretary in London. He was soon after
appointed minister at Weimar, and then at Munich, where he died in 1834.

^ Suppressed in the text of the archives.

THE REVOLUTION OF 1830. 233

the king can grant me an audience, nor whether it will be in
London or at Brighton.

These letters and despatches will suffice to prove the great
delicacy of my position here. The future (which fortunately for
man is hidden from him) did not reveal to me, how greatly this
position would be still further embarrassed by fresh complica-
tions, and I therefore set to work with good courage.

■ My staff at the embassy was but a mediocre one ; it had
been in great part arranged for me ere I left Paris, and I was
forced to make many changes, before it was as effective as it
afterwards became. But, on the other hand, my niece, the
Duchesse de Dino, had consented to accompany me to London,
and I knew that her charming manner and disposition, would
greatly assist me in conciliating that very exclusive English
society, the goodwill of which, I saw with pleasure, she very
quickly gained. It was no easy matter, however, for the majority
of the English aristocracy had not accepted our revolution as
readily as the ministry had done ; and in this aristocracy, there
were besides outside influences at work (to which I shall have
occasion to refer to later), which were in active operation against
us on our first arrival, but which we succeeded, though not with-
out some trouble, in overcoming.

Events rapidly took a more serious aspect in Belgium. The
revolt in Brussels, changed into a general rising over the whole
country, and partly through the fault of the government and its
unpopularity, and partly from the desire to imitate what had
taken place in France, a revolution, as complete as ours, had
taken place, with only this marked difference ; that whereas in
France, the revolution was partly the result of the ungodliness
of the clergy, in Belgium it was the clergy themselves who
instigated it. A serious lesson given to all governments, who
had once again, to learn the double danger, of favouring one
religion more than another (as was done in the Netherlands), or
of vesting the religion in the government, as was attempted in
France.

This incident of the Belgian revolution, singularly increased
the difficulties of our first relations with the English Govern-
ment ; for if I was obliged, from the commencement, to utilize

234 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

in favour of our revolution, the principle of non-intervention,
generally adopted by this Government, I nevertheless could not
forget, that the creation of the kingdom of the Netherlands,^ by
the union of Belgium and Holland, had, in 1814, been the work
of England, and of those same English statesmen, whom I now
again found in power in 1830. Would these men consent to
accept the consequences of the principles of non-intervention,
the result of which would be the overthrow of a combination,
adopted out of hatred or fear of France, when this same France
must appear still more dangerous to them, after the revolution
she had just effected ? A very delicate primary question to lay
before the English ministers !

I nevertheless did not hesitate to do so, as soon as the news
reached London, that the Dutch had been repulsed from Brussels,
and that the King of the Netherlands was quite unable to re-
establish his power in Belgium.

I must do the English Government the justice to say, that
it at once and most loyally, recognized the rights of the principle
of non-intervention ; but its application to the present case,
presented certain considerations which were not without force.
The following was the view taken by the Cabinet :

" If it is proved that the King of the Netherlands cannot
possibly restore order in his country, it is none the less im-
portant to the interests of Europe, that matters should not
remain in the state they are in at present. We cannot, neither
can you any more than we, remain indifferent to what is happening
there. Thus, while supporting the principle of non-intervention,
it is necessary that we should together, find means to prevent
those States, which fear the spread of the revolutionary spirit,
from taking such violent action, as would render a war inevitable.
Would it not be possible by judicious advice, to effect a recon-
ciliation, advantageous to both Holland and Belgium, by which
each, in making some sacrifice, would obtain the essential part
of what she had a right to demand } Giving advice is not
interfering, if he who gives it, makes no attempt to follow it up
by coercion. By not overstepping this friendly position, the

^ Since the year 1815 the Dutch Constitution, which had been extended to
Belgium, had been submitted for approbation to the leading men of Belgium. It
was rejected by 796 votes against 527, and among the members of the majority, 126
had specially given, as the reason for their vote "the articles relating to religion."

THE REVOLUTION OF 1830. 235

independence of the State so counselled is not hurt, and no other
Government could possibly take umbrage at it. All Europe
agreed to the formation of the Netherlands in 18 14. It would be
a great mistake to suppose, that if the dismemberment of that
kingdom is allowed, the peace of Europe would not be disturbed."

Lord Aberdeen said in conclusion, that it was the duty of
the Powers who could in any way influence the King of the
Netherlands, to use that influence now, but only in the way of
persuasion, and carefully avoiding any steps which might be
interpreted as having a different character, in order to prevail
upon the two parties, frankly to make concessions, so that an
understanding might be arrived at ; and that as France and
England were alone in a position to act, they should do so at
once, the urgency of the circumstances requiring it ; and he there-
fore thought it fell to them, to offer their advice in this matter.

These considerations had the more weight in my eyes, that
having no reason to doubt the sincerity of the intentions of the
English Government, I saw herein from the very first, the
necessity it felt of concerting with us in a matter in which its
interests were involved. It therefore seemed to me quite out
of the question that we should entrench ourselves behind the
general principle of non-intervention, and take up a passive
attitude, which was not without danger to the peace of Europe,
and by which we should lose part of the influence the English
Government seem desirous we should possess. I therefore sup-
ported in Paris, the views that Lord Aberdeen presented through
Lord Stuart of Rothesay, the English ambassador there.

On the 6th October, while awaiting the answer from Paris
to these proposals, I had an audience of the King of England, at
which I presented my credentials.^ On that occasion I addressed
the following speech to him :

Sire, His Majesty the King of the French has chosen me
as the interpreter of his feelings towards your Majesty.

I gladly accepted a mission which gave so noble an object
to the last days of my career.

Sire, of all the vicissitudes that my great age has witnessed,
of all the divers changes that forty years teeming with events,
have mingled in my life, perhaps none has so completely fulfilled
my wishes as the selection which brings me back to this happy

' See Appendix, Letter No. 6

236 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

country. But what a difference between the two periods ! The
jealousies, the prejudices that have so long divided France from
England, have now given place to feelings of esteem and en-
lightened affection. Common interests will draw the ties between
the two countries still closer. England repudiates abroad equally
with France, the principle of intervention in the home affairs of
her neighbours, and the ambassador of a sovereign chosen
unanimously by a great nation, feels himself at ease on a soil
of liberty, and near a descendant of the illustrious house of
Brunswick. I appeal with confidence to your goodwill, sire,
with reference to the matters I am charged to bring' to your
notice, and I pray you to graciously accept the homage of my
profoundest respect.

William IV., to whom I was accredited, had been in the
navy, and had retained the tone and manners which that service
generally gives. He was an honest man, rather narrow-minded,
and whom the Whig party had always counted in its ranks ;
nevertheless, since his recent accession to the throne (26th June,
1830) he had retained the Tory ministry of his brother and pre-
decessor, George IV. He received me very kindly, stammered
a few friendly phrases in his incorrect French about King Louis
Philippe, and expressed the pleasure he had felt on hearing that
the Sociites populaires ^ had been closed in Paris. I wish to
say here, so that I need not refer to it again, that during the
four years of my embassy in London, I have nothing but praise
to record of the behaviour of the King and Queen of England,
who eagerly took every opportunity of making themselves pleasant
both to me and to my niece, the Duchesse de Dino.

Before M. Mold's answer to the proposals of the English
Cabinet reached me, I received two letters from him, which con-
tained some quite unfounded reproaches.^ The following extract
from the despatch which I sent him on the 6th of October, after
seeing the king, will sufficiently explain both the nature of the
reproaches, and the small foundation for them : —

. . . We must not reproach Lord Aberdeen for not
having made known to me, a demand for assistance which

1 It is not quite right that the clubs were shut up at this date (6th October). It
is true that on the 25t'h of the preceding September, a discussion had taken place in
the Chamber on this subject, and MM. Guizot and Dupin had urged the Cabinet to
take vigorous action, but the ministers had refused to discuss it. Nevertheless the
same evening the Socilte des Ami du Peuple, situated in the Rue Montmartre, was-
invaded and dispersed by the inhabitants of that quarter of the town.

- See Appendix, Letters Nos. 3 and 5.

THE REVOLUTION OF 1830. 237

he was said to have received from the Government of the
Netherlands. I can give you the assurance that no such
step had been taken, and that nothing of the sort has
occurred. Fears have been expressed, needs have been re-
vealed, troubles and difficulties have been spoken of, but no
positive demand had been made. The actual request for sup-
port and assistance only arrived this evening at midnight. Lord
Aberdeen has just confirmed what I have written to you on this
subject. The English Government will not reply until it has
come to some arrangement with us. This arrangement is now
eagerly desired by the English cabinet, and it seems to me that
to arrive at such a result, not much time has been lost between
the 27th of September and the 3rd of October, when I wrote to
you} I deemed it preferable that the proposal should come
from the English Government, and I am still of this opinion,
without however greatly insisting on it, since I have seen the
letter — I mention this in passing — which you wrote to the Duke
of Wellington, without informing me of the fact, that overtures
were being made on our side. This, however, is not a point of
real importance. The affair is on the right road, and the favour-
able dispositions here are on the increase. Every means are
sought in thorough good faith, to solve the difficulty, and you
Virill meet with very few obstacles on the part of the English
government. Those which it will make, will have reference to
undertakings named in special treaties, but objections of this
nature are not insurmountable when a powerful government
really wishes to settle matters.

Lord Aberdeen told me some days ago, that we were to have
a conference on the affairs of Portugal, but he added that there
was no immediate hurry. I will therefore write to you later on
as to this matter. It will be difficult for you,^ to get the English
Government to recognize (according to my instructions) the
government of Terceira as an actual government ; ^ for it is an
undoubted fact that it emanates from Dom Pedro, that it is paid
by him, and that he nominates its members. When you come
to treat of this question, this is the objection that England will
probably raise.

When going away the King said to me, ''■ Au revoir a
Brighton" and I think I shall go there, as soon as I find that
affairs no longer require my presence here. . . .

As I was informed that it was thought in Paris I had not
written frequently enough during the weeks I had been in

' .Suppressed in the text of the archives. ' Var.: "nous'' = "y3s."

' The island of Terceira (Azores) was the seat of Queen Donna Maria's govern-
ment during the usurpation of Dom Miguel (1829— 1833).

238 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

London, and that uneasiness was expressed thereat,^ I did not
rely on my despatch of the 8th October having been read, but
wrote a private letter to M. M0I6, which I here insert, in order
to show in what spirit I intended carrying out the mission
entrusted to me.

London, Ztk November, 1830.

We know one another, we love one another, we desire the
same things ; we understand them in the same way, we wish
them to be carried out similarly, our point of departure is the
same, our goal is the same. Why then, being on the same road,
do we not understand each other ? There is something here
which I cannot comprehend, and which I trust, is but of a passing
nature.

Our correspondence is neither friendly nor official ; I think
that it should be otherwise between us, and I come, with all my
old friendship, to pray you, that it may be so. A less complete
confidence, a less intimate understanding, might seriously harm,
impede, or delay affairs ; our friendship would suffer, and this
would grieve me greatly. If my way of carrying on affairs is
out of date, it would be better to tell me so frankly. Let us
then be quite open with one another ; we can do no real good,
unless we treat affairs with that ease and frankness, which
begets confidence. You will find that I shall always tell you
everything, except what I think is of no importance ; it was
thus I carried on affairs with the emperor, as well as with
Louis XVIII. I know that modern France does not hold with
this old style ; that she is, what is called progressive ; but
standing here on the soil of ancient Europe, I feel that we must
leave these matters to time, and that undue haste is too much
opposed to English habits not to somewhat lessen the degree
of weight which we must give to all our proceedings. The
English Government, you may rest assured, is well inclined
towards us.

With kindest regards. . . .

Together with this letter, I sent a despatch, giving a full
account of what the ministry knew and thought of Belgian
affairs. Prussia, to whom the King of the Netherlands had also
appealed for help, replied that she would only act in concert
with England. It was thought that Austria would do the same,
but nothing of course was as yet known, as to the views of St.

^ Madame Adelaide had made herself the interpreter of the prince's sentiments
(see Appendix, letter 7, written to him on the 8th of October. M. de Taneyrand
replied to it on the 29th, justifying himself, letter 11).

THE REVOLUTION OF 1830. 239

Petersburg, on this question. Much uneasiness has been felt at
Prince Frederic of the Netherlands' ^ march on Brussels.

The same day these letters were sent off, M. Bresson,^ chief
clerk at M. Mold's office, arrived in London, having been made
first secretary of my embassy, in place of M. Challaye, who
had been sent to Smyrna as consul-general. I had need of such
reinforcement for the daily work, which required much time.

The reply from Paris to the overtures of the English Govern-
ment arrived at last : the answer was virtually an acceptance of
the English proposals, but at the same time expressing a resolute
desire, that the conferences on the Belgian question, should take
place in Paris. M. Mole's reply to my letter was written in a
very friendly spirit, and all appeared to be going on smoothly.

When I acquainted Lord Aberdeen with the wishes of the
French Government, relative to the locality for the conferences,
he said he must consult his colleagues on this matter, though he
himself saw no objection. He soon however informed me, that
at a cabinet council, at which the proposal of the French
Government had been submitted, he and his colleagues had
decided that it could not be accepted. The Duke of Wellington,
whom I saw after this communication, told me the reasons
which had decided them to reject our proposal. They considered,
he said, that under the circumstances, the question of time was
everything; that it was all important to discuss and decide
matters quickly, and that everything was ready in London, for
arriving at a prompt and definite decision. He considered that
this was quite in our interest, for our position, notwithstanding
the recognition of the powers, would not be assured, until after
the pacification of Belgium, and he added, that it was now also
important for England, that this position should not only be
assured, but that it should also be great and powerful. He
thought he was sure of the foreign ministers who would be

1 Frederic-Guillaume-Charles, Prince of the Netherlands, son of King WilUam I.,
was bom in 1797, made administrator-general of the war department and admiral,
by his father. In 1830 he was placed at the head of the army, that was to operate
against Brussels. He entered that town on the 22nd of September, but was forced to
evacuate it after a struggle of four days. , . , ,

2 Charles Comte Bresson, bom in 1798, entered the diplomatic service under the
Restoration. In 1830 was appointed chief secretary at London, and in 1833 chargi
d'affaires at Berlin. In November 1834 he became Minister of Foreign Affairs, and
was created a peer of France. In 1841 he went as ambassador to Madrid, and m
1847 to Naples, and committed suicide a few days after his arrival there.

24° THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLE YRAND.

summoned to the conference, if it was held in London ; many
indeed had their credentials already, and those who had not yet
got them, would follow the lead of the others, and all would
sign what France and England wished. He greatly doubted
whether it would be the same in Paris, where the foreign
ministers would not venture to sign anything, without first con-
sulting their respective courts. A few days lost now, might com-
plicate matters to such an extent, that it would be extremely
difficult to remedy them, or come to any mutual understanding.
I tried in vain to combat these views, according to the
instructions I had received from Paris. I pointed out specially,
the word resolute contained in those instructions ; but I could
gain nothing, and was only able to write to Paris, that from
whichever side the concession came, whether from France or
England, France would find the English cabinet equally well
disposed towards her.

I must nevertheless admit that on this point I agreed with
the English Cabinet for reasons hardly yet realized. It
did not seem to me advisable to assemble the conference in
the midst of Paris, given up either to riots or daily disturbances,
and when the precarious position of the Government, disquieted
by the coming trial of the ministers of Charles X.,^ could not
inspire any confidence in the foreign ministers, charged with
maintaining the peace of Europe. Besides I knew that in Paris
M. Pozzo ^ would be the leading spirit at the conference, owing
to the influence he had over M. Mold : and the Duke of
Wellington's reputation in Europe seemed to me preferable to
that of Pozzo. Nevertheless I did my utmost, to induce the
English ministers to agree to Paris, as the scene of the negotia-
tion. But I still believe that they did wisely in refusing to
comply with this request.^

There was, besides, another question, which at that time
complicated the relations between the new French Government
and England, i.e., the affairs of Portugal. I have already alluded

' The trial of the Ministers was to commence on the 15th of December before the
Chamber of Peers.

^ Count Pozzo de Borgo was at that time Russian ambassador at Paris.

' M. de Talleyrand in his private correspondence insists repeatedly on the great
influence of the Duke of Wellington, on his European reputation, and on the necessity
of fixing the seat of the conferences in London. {See Appendix, letters No. 8 and
No. 10.)

THE REVOLUTION OF 1830. 241

to them, but it is necessary here, briefly to recall the facts, in
order to understand the question better.^

It will be remembered that Dom Miguel, having returned to
Portugal, had, with the consent of the powers, taken up the
government of the country until his niece, Dona Maria, whom
he was to marry, came of age. It was thought, that in this
way the difficult question as to the rights of Dom Pedro (Dona
Maria's father, who on being made Emperor of Brazil, had
renounced the crown of Portugal) and the pretensions of Dom
Miguel, who after this renunciation had claimed the crown of
Portugal, might become reconciled. Dom Miguel however had
no sooner entered Portugal, than he threw aside the mask, and
broke all his promises. He abolished the constitution, governed
the kingdom in his own name, and relentlessly persecuted his
nieces' partisans, who were at the same time the partisans of
the constitutional institutions granted by King John VI. The
emperor Dom Pedro, enraged at this conduct, sent an expedition

^ In order to understand the position of Portugal, it is necessary to refer to
events some little way back. King John VI. died in 1826, after having accepted, and
actively worked out the constitution imposed by the Cortes in 1821. He left two
sons, the eldest Dom Pedro remained in Brazil, when his family returned to Lisbon
(in 1821) and wasproclaimedEmperor of Brazil (1822) having, together with his father,
signed a treaty in 1825, according to the terms of which, the separation of the two
states was recognized, and the two crowns were never again to be united. The second
son, Dom Miguel, had always protested against the constitutional tendencies of his
father, and had even stirred up plots against him.

Before King John died, he instituted a provisional regency under the presidency of
his daughter, Isabella Marie, until the wishes of him to whom the crown belonged were
made known. This ambiguous wording was the cause of long-continued troubles.
On the one hand, Dora Pedro declared himself King of Portugal, notwithstanding the
treaty of separation of 1825. He, however, abdicated very soon after, having granted
a new constitution, in favour of his daughter Dona Maria da Gloria, whom he destined
to marry Dom Miguel, thinking by this union, to reconcile the two branches of the
family. But Dom Miguel, after making a pretence of submission, and with the
concurrence of his mother and his uncle Ferdinand VII., King of Spain, as well as
the moral support of the principal courts of Europe, who looked with displeasure on
the establishment of constitutional ideas in Portugal, raised the standard of absolutism
October 1826. The Miguelists were at first victorious: the Regent Isabelle Marie
resigned her power in favour of Dom Miguel, and the Cortes proclaimed him King of
Portugal, July 1828. Then a general civil war broke out. The town of Oporto
declared in favour of Queen Maria, and the greatest terror was spread all over the
country. Meanwhile the Emperor Dom Pedro wished to uphold his daughter's rights
by force of arms. The Azores having declared for her, became the rallying point of
the Constitutionalists. A regency was established there in the name of the young
queen in 1830, but it was not recognized by the continental courts. Dom Miguel
was even able, as legitimate sovereign, to negotiate a loan of fifty millions. Such
were the respective positions of the two parties, when the revolution of July, by a
counter-stroke, changed the whole face of matters in Portugal. Dom Miguel lost the
support of France and England. He was forced to resign, "nd the Queen, Maria da
Gloria, ascended the throne in 1834.

VOL. III. R

242 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLE YRAND.

from Brazil, composed entirely of Portuguese, who had settled in
Terceira and who, not being powerful enough to land in Portugal
with any chance of success, had proclaimed Dona Maria's
government in the island, together with the charter which Dom
Pedro had given to Portugal, before abdicating the throne of
that country in favour of his daughter.

Up to the time of my arrival in London, Dom Miguel's
government, and the changes he had made, were not recognized
by the Powers, neither was the government established in the
island of Terceira.

The new French government would have liked England to
pronounce in favour of the Regency installed at Terceira,
whereas the cabinets of the other great powers, with England
at their head, leant towards Dom Miguel. It is easy to under-
stand the motives which influenced both one side and the
other. France, having just ended a liberal revolution, naturally
wished to support her political principles wherever she saw they
existed ; she might have met with sympathy from England on
this point had not the interests of the latter placed an obstacle
in the way. The truth was that England was not at all sure
that the majority of the Portuguese nation did not prefer the
rule of Don Miguel, and above all she felt convinced that any
struggle would cause great disturbances between her commerce
and that of Portugal, a commerce of such great importance that
the latter country might almost be looked upon as an English
colony. The Duke of Wellington's Tory ministry, even while
blaming Dom Miguel's infamous conduct, would have preferred
to uphold his government and thus avoid civil war, fresh revolu-
tions, and all those changes so hurtful to commercial relations.
The cabinets of Vienna, Berlin, and St. Petersburg were all
influenced by the same motives as England, and Dom Miguel,
cruel despot as he was, had gained their favour, as representing
a monarchy without a constitutional government. Thus it was
not easy to reconcile such very opposite views.

I thought therefore, that troubled as we were at home, both
by our own afiairs and those of Belgium, it would have been
unwise to quarrel with England respecting Portugal. I deter-
mined to work according to my instructions, and urge the English

THE REVOLUTION OF 1830. 243

cabinet to separate themselves from Dom Miguel's party and
acknowledge the Regency of the island of Terceira, but to do
so with moderation, in order not to compromise our good rela-
tions on other questions. I referred specially to the faults of
Dom Miguel, which gave me fair grounds to work upon. In
October 1830, Lord Aberdeen and his cabinet still believed that
they would be able to obtain a general amnesty from Dom
Miguel, as the price of England's recognition, and it was by
means of this measure, that they hoped to justify themselves to
the Liberals in England, for having recognized the odious tyranny
of Dom Miguel.

On the 19th of October, in sending an account of the state
of the Portuguese question to Paris, I wrote the following :

The news we have received from Portugal describes that
unhappy country as given up entirely to the distrust and fury
of Dom Miguel. The effect of this, however, will not be to
retard the recognition of his government by the Powers, that is
a matter which has already been pretty well decided, self-
interest raising it above all other considerations. There is
reason to believe even now, that the amnesty, insisted on from
Dom Miguel, as a primary condition, will only be promised as
it were, and not carried into effect, until a distant period,
mutually agreed on, between the English government and Dom
Miguel. The ordinary usages will not even therefore be
observed. This morning I pointed out to Lord Aberdeen what
a scandal would result therefrom. He assured me that the
amnesty would necessarily follow the recognition ; but I do not
feel disposed to put much faith in this.

Such was at this period, the state of the Portuguese question
to which I shall have to refer several times. We will now
revert to the Belgian affair, a much graver matter, since it
threatened to disturb the whole of Europe. The French
government, that is to say M. Mole, notwithstanding the
necessity there was for urgency in this matter, vehemently
insisted that the conferences should take place in Paris. I
received still more urgent instructions on this point, which I
was obliged to communicate to the English government. I
will here give another extract from the despatch in which I

R 2

244 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

gave an account on the 25 th of October, of the fresh explana-
tions I had had with the Duke of WeUington : —

I have not lost a moment in pressing for a decision con-
formably to the wishes expressed in your despatch of the 20th
ult. I spoke again about it yesterday to the Duke of Welling-
ton, who then discussed the subject with the Austrian ambass-
ador and the Prussian minister. I brought forward your
arguments and developed and enlarged upon them ; I don't
think I omitted a single plea that could convince them. But
they all three took the same view. The late occurrences in
Paris seemed rather to have strengthened their opposition.
They see in our persistency to hold the conference there, some^
what of a desire to discuss the Belgian question in the midst of
what they call the revolutionary whirlpool ; and this opinion
they maintain, having the French journals in their hands. In
this they certainly do not sufficiently separate the king's
government, from the factious influences against which it has to
fight. But their disquietude explains their errors.

This disquietude is very great, and is fully justified by facts,
of the exact truth of which, you are better aware than I am.
They say they have been informed that some French ofiRcers who
are fighting in the ranks of the Belgians, have not been censured
in any way by the king's government, and that notwithstand-
ing the promises given (for these were admitted) to repulse all
the overtures and solicitations of the Belgians, and to abstain from
all direct or indirect co-operation, in the success of their cause,
these officers (whose number no doubt is exaggerated) are
kept on the strength of the French army. The name of M. de
Pontecoulant is often brought up in connection with this
subject. They think that sufficiently effective measures have
not been taken, to put a stop to the expedition of the Spanish
refugees.! They have seen several French names, among
those sent them from Spain, which have awakened their
suspicions. I should be hiding the truth, if I did not tell you,
that the feelings of the cabinets and their ministers have changed

' The reaction which had followed the return of King Ferdinand to absolute
power, had decided several liberal Spaniards to seek refuge abroad. After the revolu-
tion of July, they formed themselves into revolutionary committees, with the view of
attempting a bold stroke and entering Spain by force of amis. The government of
Madrid appealed to the cabinets of Paris and London. The latter took some
stringent measures, but in France the government either could not or would not put
a stop to the enterprise. Colonel Francisco Valdes and the celebrated Mina, penetrated
into Navarre at the head of 500 men, and took possession of the town of d'Urdax.
This expedition failed. Beaten and driven back, the revolutionary troops were obliged
to re-pass the frontier.

THE REVOLUTION OF 1830. 245

somewhat towards us ; their anxiety has been awakened, now
that their security seems Hkely to be endangered. The Duke
of Wellington specially remarked, that the action of the king's
government, should tend to reassure the different Powers as to
the state of agitation in France which absorbs the attention of
all Europe. The ministers would see in the concession made
now, a common, and consequently conciliatory action, if
you accede to their proposition to hold the conferences in
London, where the five great Powers have men, fully possessing
their confidence. They agree in saying, that these conferences
ought to be held at the Hague. The former engagements of
Europe have induced them to take this view : and in abandoning
it, they specially take into consideration the urgency of the circum-
stances, and the great need of expedition, which according to them
can only be effectually attained in London, where they again
assert, every one is ready, while no one is so elsewhere. They
declare that we shall isolate ourselves from the other Powers by
insisting on taking a contrary step ; that much precious time
will be wasted, and that the weeks or rather days, which change
the state of affairs in Belgium, also change the feelings and
views of the cabinets.

You will perceive, M. le Comte, that I am reporting exactly
what I have been told, and that I refrain from all personal
opinions. The Duke of Wellington told me he had written a
letter to you, in which he gave his reasons for his persistence.
I have tried in vain to combat them ; the state of Paris too
completely pre-occupies both his mind and that of the ministers
accredited here ; and they cannot consider the centre of such
great excitement a suitable place for diplomatic discussions.
But these discussions, which according to them, cannot take
place there, do not appear to them less urgently necessary
elsewhere ; however quickly the events in Belgium may progress,
whatever arrangements may be made between the Prince of
Orange and the Belgians, the success either of the provisional
government or of the prince, will not, according to them settle
the question. The union of the Netherlands has been guaran-
teed by the great Powers ; that is the state of affairs which has
been recognized ; what still remains to be recognized is the state
of affairs which has been substituted; and then the important
question of fortresses will inevitably reappear.^

^ The treaties of 1815 in creating the kingdom of the Netherlands, only desired to
place a barrier between France and the northern powers. To this effect they had
given to the new kingdom, a strong line of fortresses ; Courtray, Tournai, Mons,
Charleroi, Namur, Liege, Luxemburg, Philippeville, Marienbourg, and Bouillon,
intended as a check against any enterprises on the part of France. These fortresses
were to be kept in thorough efficiency by the King of Holland. The allied sovereigns

246 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

Amid the difficulties that such delicate deliberations will
bring about, when concessions will be required on all sides,
and previous engagements will have to be amended, they con-
sider that many things will have to be settled by word of mouth,
and that conferences therefore are worth more than memoran-
dums, or any other political documents ; and this remark is
perfectly true.

There remained another and still more powerful reason,
concerning which the Duke of Wellington and the ministers
spoke to me separately yesterday. They pointed out to
me that the English parliament was about to assemble ;
that the king would have to give his views on the Belgian
question, and that his speech would have immense weight and
importance. Should he say that conferences have, or have not,
been opened in London, his declaration will, one way or the
other, have either a tranquillizing or disquieting effect. They
even go so far as to assert, that this announcement may entirely
change the whole aspect of affairs, and that it is therefore most
important his speech should be as reassuring as possible.

Here again, M. le Comte, I pray you not to believe that my
opinion coincides with these observations of the English cabinet
and the foreign ministers. I have not yielded a single point, I
have tried to modify opinions which appeared to me too
decided, but they are too important, and indicate too marked a
change from the former views of the Powers, for me not to
make them known to you, such as I found them. I send this
despatch by M. de Chenoise, to whom I recommend all speed ;
you will no doubt deem it necessary to send him back with a
prompt and decisive answer. The English parliament opens
on the 2nd November.

Four days later, on the 29th October I sent some further
details to M. Mole, which, without having direct reference to the
question of the seat of the conference, were nevertheless of a
nature to cause some reflection as to the views of the Powers : — ■

There is no doubt, that an unlimited credit has been
opened for Charles X. with an Edinburgh banker.^ This

had even a right of watch and inspection over them. If the state of affairs created in
1815 was done away with, Europe would lose this precious guarantee against the
still dreaded iniquities of France. What then would happen, if this line of fortresses
were to fall into the hands of a new kingdom, the friend and ally of the ver)' nation
against which it had been directed?

' Var. : " c\isz\epre?!ner ba7iquiei- d'Edimbou7-g, dont le nom est, je crois, Forbes,"
= " with the principal banker in Edinburgh, whose name I believe is Forbes."

THE REVOLUTION OF 1830. 247

strange generosity has greatly astonished and occupied the
English.^ It is generally attributed to the Emperor Nicholas,
and I am the less inclined to doubt this, knowing how very
unfavourably he is disposed towards us. He is passionately
devoted to foreign matters, which in his own mind he mixes up
with the home affairs of his kingdom. In several instances he
has expressed himself on the actual state of affairs in anything
but pacific terms. He believes that nothing but force will
arrest the doctrines of disorder. These prejudices might easily
shake M. Pozzo, who has striven to lead the emperor's views ^
in another direction. M. de Matusiewicz^ who held the same
opinions and worked in accord with him, is not himself at all
sure about it now. The strangest thing, and which yet is
nevertheless a fact, is that M. de Metternich does not now take
the same view as the Emperor Nicholas, but he could very easily
be brought round again. The Prussian cabinet is divided.
The Prince Royal,* and M. Ancillon,^ are all for war ; M.
Guillaume de Humboldt,'' brother of ^& savant in Paris, and M.
de Bernstorff,^ would like if possible, to avoid it. This is a very
critical period. Events in Belgium are very complicated.
Those of Spain add still further to the difficulties. M. de Zea
Bermudez ^ has received no news of any kind from his govern-
ment for some days ; and his anxiety is great.

^ M. de Talleyrand, kept the court of the Tuileries minutely informed as to the
life of Charles X., the princts and their suites. See Appendix, letters No. 4 — No. 18.

- Variante, ' ' sur les evenements de Paris " = " as to the events in Paris. "

^ Andre Joseph, Comte de Matusiewicz, at that time temporary Russian minister
in England during the absence of Prince de Lieven. He was the son of Thaddeus
de Matusiewicz, a Polish noble, who had been Minister of Finance in the Grand
Duchy of Warsaw in 1 8 1 2.

* Frederick William (1795 — 1861) son of King Frederick William III., who
ascended the throne in 1840.

^ Jean Pierre Frederic Ancillon, descended from a Protestant family, originally of
Metz, who had taken refuge in Berlin, after the revocation of the Edict of Nantes.
Bom in 1766, he decided to enter the Church, became known by his philosophical
and historical works, and in 1806 was appointed governor to the Prince Royal of
Prussia. Later on he entered the Foreign Office, became leader of the political
section (1825) and minister in June 1831. He died in 1837.

^ William de Humboldt at this time did not fill any public position. He had
just quitted the ministry. His brother Alexander, the celebrated savant, had come
to Paris after the July Revolution, commissioned officially to recognize King Louis-
Philippe.

' Christian, Comte de Bernstorff, born in 1769, descended from a Danish family,
was first Danish ambassador at Berlin and Stockholm, and Minister of Foreign Affairs
in 1797. He resigned in 1810, and in 181 1, was appointed ambassador at Paris.
In 1815 he represented Denmark at the Congress of Vienna. In 1818 he entered the
service of the King of Prussia, who made him Minister of Foreign Affairs, and whom
he represented at the various conferences of the Holy Alliance. In 1830 M. Ancillon
was sent to assist him, and finally he replaced him in 1831. M. de Bernstorff died a
few months after.

8 Francois Zea de Bermudez, born in 1772, was a Spanish statesman. He began
as Secretary to the Embassy, and was then made minister at Constantinople, and

248 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

I expect the answer to the despatch I sent you by M. de
Chenoise, either to-morrow or Sunday.

At last this despatch arrived, which had only been written
by M. M0I6 at the last minute on the afternoon of the 31st of
October. I will give it here in extenso, that others may the
better judge of the spirit that dictated it, and how little
reassuring were the news it brought me :

Paris, 3ij-/ October, 1830.
Sunday., 3 P.M.

I had retarded the departure of M. de Chenoise until I
could announce the formation of the Ministry to you.^ But the
letter which I have this evening received from the Duke of
Wellington, will not, mon Prince, allow me to delay. I would
send you a copy of my reply, but that I had not even time to
have it copied. The King has charged me to authorize you to
join the conference at once, and take part in everything that
may have reference to Belgian affairs. Were I still Minister I
should perhaps send you either to-morrow or the day after, a
plenipotentiary, fully instructed, and I need hardly say that I
should have selected one as much as possible in conformity
with your views. As however the urgency of the circumstances
obliges you to commence negotiations \>y yourself, I believe
that you will be able to carry them through to the end without
any assistance. Many things may arise out of this Belgian
question, without reckoning on war or peace. No one knows
better than you, mon Prince, all that it embraces, and therefore
it will be best to leave it entirely in your hands.

We have just passed through a most stormy week, and for
no one, perhaps, has it been a more anxious time, than for me.
I am not mistaken as to the source of the efforts made to aid
me, but they were such that it would be impossible for me to

later at London. In 1824 he was appointed Minister of Foreign Affairs, but only
kept this post one year. He went as ambassador to London in 1828, and remained
there till 1832. He then returned to Madrid, and was Prime Minister there for a
short time, h\A had to leave his country, when the Liberal policy of minister Maitiney
de la Rosa triumphed in 1844. Returning to Spain, he entered the Senate in 1845,
and died in 1850.

' The Ministry was replaced on November 2nd by a new cabinet. It was composed
as follows : M. Lafitte, President of the Council, and Minister of Finance ; Marshal
Maison, Minister of Foreign Affairs ; Dupont de I'Eure, Keeper of the Seals ; the
Comte de Montalivet,' Minister of the Interior ; Merilhon, Minister of Public Education
and Religion; Marshal Gerard, Minister of War; General Sebastiani, Minister of
Marine.

THE REVOLUTION OF 1830. 249

give you any idea of the situation in which I was placed.
Nothing has yet been decided. Both parties of the Government
have several times already refused to remain in office, but they
have both always been obliged, owing to the state of affairs, to
come in again and try the effect of a coalition ministry. M. de
Broglie and M. Guizot are now quite out of the question, which
greatly complicates it according to my view, and also as far as
I, personally, am concerned. If I retire however, I shall leave
our foreign relations on the best possible footing, or at any rate
the least unfavourable. I have received very satisfactory assur-
ances from Berlin ; they do us justice both as regards Belgium,
and all other species of propaganda ; they show us entire con-
fidence, and would be quite willing that the conferences should
take place at Paris. The Berlin Cabinet would even have pro-
posed this to the Cabinet of St. Petersburg, asking their consent
thereto. Let the Duke of Wellington be informed of this, I
pray you, that he may see that it is to his wishes we yield. The
truth is, he has been far less accommodating than any of the
others. My opinion, well thought out, and I believe fairly
argued, is, that it would be better for everything and everybody,
that the conferences should take place here ; but, if they are to
be held in London, they cannot, as far as France is concerned,
do without you, and the second plenipotentiary would be entirely
useless. I owe you several letters, but I do so everywhere, and
to all who write to me. For the last six days I have been in
consultation, from six in the morning till twelve at night,
respecting the arrangement of the Ministry.

Adieu, mon Prince, you may, I can assure you, consider
yourself fortunate not to be here. The elections are very
satisfactory, but a Ministry will be formed anyway. I always
thought this would be inevitable.

Accept. ... Mole.

This letter requires some comment in order to point out its
contradictions and errors. M. Mole, though with evident reluc-
tance, gave in to the question of the seat of the conferences ; he
agreed to their being held in London, nevertheless maintaining
that it would have been better to have held them in Paris ; yet
in the same breath what a picture does he draw of the state of
that capital, of its government and its ministry, one portion of
which disputes the power of the other 1 And this is the spectacle
he would like to exhibit to the plenipotentiaries of the great
European Powers, who are charged with maintaining peace.

250 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

based on the strength of the opposition of the French Govern-
ment to revolutionary tendencies.^ Truly it would be impossible
to understand such an idea, except by seeking the explanation
in a personal matter, namely the desire to carry through the
negotiations himself. They would not however have remained
long in his hands, as forty-eight hours after he had written that
letter he was dismissed from the office of Minister of Foreign
Affairs, which post passed into the very inexperienced hands (as
will be admitted) of Marshal Maison.^

I put on one side all that is unpleasant as regards myself in
this letter, and his intention of sending me a second plenipo-
tentiary if he had continued as minister. All that is of small
interest ; but what is important, is the erroneous view he took
of the political position of France abroad. Was it only in order
to praise himself, or did he really believe it, when he wrote on
the 31st October, 1830, that he would leave our affairs abroad
on the best possible footing ? In order to prove how greatly he
was mistaken on this point, I am obliged here to insert the long
despatch which the Comte de Nesselrode, Russian Minister of
Foreign Affairs, addressed to Comte Matusiewicz, Russian
minister in London, on October 19th, 1830. It is very curious in
every respect, and shows with how much friendliness the situa-
tion, considered so satisfactory by M. Mole, was regarded at
St. Petersburg ! This secret despatch I need hardly say is per-
fectly authentic, though it is not necessary to mention here, by
what chance it fell into my hands.

^ The Chamber of Deputies had in the course of three months lost 113 of its
members through invalidation and resignations. Complemental elections had taken
place on October 22nd.

^ Nicholas Joseph Maison, born 1771, entered the army as a volunteer in 1792.
After going through all the campaigns of the Revolution he became Brigadier-General
in 1805, General of Division in 1812, and Commander-in-Chief of the army of the
north in the end of 1813, At the first restoration he was made a peer of France and
governor of Paris. He held himself aloof during the Hundred Days. In 1828 he
commanded the expedition to the Morea, which gained him a Field Marshal's baton.
He became Minister of Foreign Affairs, November 2nd, 1830, was soon after nominated
Ambassadorat Vienna (November 17th), then at St. Petersburg (1833), and returned to
Paris in 1835 to take his place as War Minister (April 30th). He retired in 1836 and
died in 1840.

THE REVOLUTION OF 1830. 251

Despatch of the Comte de Nesselrode to the Comte de Matusiewicz.

St. Petersburg, October \()th, 1830.

Commodore Awinoff handed me on October 7th, your
Excellency's despatches of September 26th and October 8th. I
have not lost a moment in submitting them to the Emperor, and
I now hasten to inform your Excellency, as to his Imperial
Majesty's decision concerning them.

Your previous reports of September 9th and 1 2th, had already
made known to us the point of view taken by the English
Cabinet with regard to the Netherlands. The Duke of Welling-
ton and Lord Aberdeen, both recognize King William's right to
ask the assistance of the alliance, to maintain the union of
Belgium and the Dutch provinces. They both seem quite con-
vinced of the necessity of granting such assistance to the King
of the Netherlands, should he be in a position to require it,
rather than allow an edifice, erected in the interest of England
as much as in that of Europe, to fall to the ground. Both, in
fact, have protested loudly against the claims of the French
Government, not to permit any foreign interference in the affairs
of Belgium.

After so frank and so decided an avowal of the views of the
English Government, we were quite prepared to come to a similar
decision, when the time arrived, as we had foreseen, for the King
of the Netherlands to make a formal demand for assistance,
while, on the other hand, the French Government persisted in
its extraordinary demands.

Nevertheless your Excellency's last despatches announce,
that at this decisive moment, the Cabinet of London has
deemed it necessary to adopt another line of conduct, and
recognizing the impossibility of now coming to the assistance
of the King of the Netherlands (seeing the inefficiency of
the means at the disposal of the English Government) has
exhausted every endeavour in order to preserve peace, by
inviting France to take part in the negotiations, which the
allied courts have agreed to open with that of the Netherlands,
relative to the separate administration of Belgium and the
Dutch provinces.

Every effort, the object which is to assure to Europe the
benefits of peace, must on that account alone, be entitled to the
suffrage of our august master. His Imperial Majesty would
therefore be quite ready to approve the plan proposed by the
Duke of Wellington, if it did not in its execution and results,

252 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

present some difficulties, which the Duke, with that penetration
and frankness which so eminently characterize him, himself
pointed out in the interviews he had with your Excellency.
We will not stop to inquire into the different possibilities that
may arise, during the negotiations about to be opened with the
concurrence of the French Government. Your Excellency has
foreseen them all in your despatch. The difference of the
interests of France, as regards the Belgian fortresses, and her
refusal to consent to employing an armed force to carry out
the arrangements agreed upon, may give rise to complications
which would compromise the very aim of the negotiations.
But what, in the Emperor's eyes, is a real and very serious
difficulty is, that these negotiations, so far from at once deciding
the principal question, namely, the submission of the insurgent
Belgians, only puts it off; that much precious time, which
ought to be efficiently employed, will thereby be frittered away,
that the rebels will be enabled to complete their culpable enter-
prise, furnishing a baneful encouragement to the revolutionary
spirits of other countries, and will thus add to the difficulties
and obstacles which we shall have to combat, when, after all is
said and done, it will be unanimously deemed indispensable to
intervene by force of arms.

Fully convinced that such will be the inevitable result of
the system of pacification, proposed by his Britannic Majesty's
Prime Minister, the Emperor would have greatly desired that
the Cabinet of London, should have been disposed to send a
large force at once to act in concert Avith its allies, and thus
maintain the combination to which it contributed so largely in
1814 and 1815.

Nevertheless, his Imperial Majesty wishes on this occasion,
again to give a fresh proof of his constant desire to remain
united with his allies, and to show his deference to their wishes.

Consequently you are invited, M. le Comte, to declare to
the British Government :

" That if France consents to negotiate on the Belgian
question, the Emperor will on his side consent to her being
admitted to the conferences, which have for their object the
pacification of the kingdom of the Netherlands by means of a
change in the conditions of the union of Belgium with Holland,
but maintaining the integrity of this State under the rule of the
House of Orange, togetlier with the full security of the fortresses
which are to protect her independence.

" That in the event of these conferences being held in London,
you are authorized to take part in them, M. de Gourieffi being

^ Russian Minister at the Hafnie.

THE REVOLUTION OF 1830. 253

already provided with similar powers, to enable him to assist at
these conferences if they were held at the Hague.

" That his Majesty hopes the result of the negotiations will
be vigorously upheld by the allied Powers, and that, however
great may be the opposition of France, they will if necessary
even employ force of arms, in order to carry out the arrangements
agreed on.

"That his Imperial Majesty accepts with the greatest satis-
faction the positive assurances given you on this point by the
Duke of Wellington.

" That if France, nevertheless, refuses to agree to the negotia-
tions proposed to her, or will not take any part in them, except
on condition that the hypothesis of an armed intervention be
excluded, and that thereby the intentions of that Power are no
longer subject to any doubts, the Emperor trusts the English
Cabinet will take such energetic measures as the fulfilment of
its treaties and its own dignity require.

" That as regards the first alternative, i.e. the consent of
France to the negotiations in question, it must not be forgotten
that if these negotiations have the advantage of preventing a
universal war and compromising the French in some way with tlie
Belgian insurgents, they would not, on the other hand, arrest the
progress of the insurrection itself, and that, since England is not
in a position to act at present, though she agrees with us as to
the necessity of preserving Belgium and the allied fortresses to
the House of Orange, it would at least be imperative to utilize
the interval of the negotiations, in making important military
preparations, lest the employment of an armed force should be-
come indispensable : that the Emperor in this case counts on the
foresight of the British Cabinet, and that on his side his Imperial
Majesty will not only assemble his contingents on the frontier,
but a considerable army ready to march as soon as military action
shall have been agreed on by common consent."

Such, M. le Comte, are the decisions to which his Imperial
Majesty has deemed it right to adhere for the present. As for
the rest, M. le Prince de Lieven,^ who will immediately return
to his post as ambassador to his Britannic Majesty, will have full
powers to arrange with the English Government, and the represen-
tatives of the Courts of Vienna and Berlin, all military or other
combinations and all declarations, which the general conjunctures
or the affairs of Belgium and the policy of France may indicate
as being necessary.

Accept Nesselrode.

1 Christopher Andreiewitch, Prince de Lieven, descended from a noble family of
Livonia. wJis made General in 1807. In 1801 he went to Berlin as Minister Pleni-

2 54 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

This despatch plainly shows Russia's disposition towards us
at this period, and whether M. Mole had grounds for congratu-
lating himself on "Ca.^ footing on which he should leave, zs he said,
our foreign relations ! It is very plain to me that the Emperor
Nicholas would never have consented to empower M. Pozzo to
deal with Belgian affairs in Paris ; and that even while
authorizing Prince Lieven and Comte Matusiewicz to deal with
them in London, in conference with the five Powers, he by no
means made the road smooth for the French plenipotentiaries.

If such was the state of affairs abroad, it was not any easier
for me in Paris, where for eight days the split among the
ministers had suspended all action, had prevented my receiving
not only any instructions, but even the simplest information,
and almost amounted to a complete change of ministry,
but little reassuring to Europe. Whatever might be the
good intentions of the new Cabinet, presided over by M.
Lafitte, one could not disguise the fact, that the names of some
of its members, would not inspire Europe with any great confi-
dence in the maintenance of peace ; a fresh obstacle for who-
ever was called on to negotiate in a conference of the plenipo-
tentiaries of the Powers, who were disquieted by what had
already occurred, and as to what might still occur in France.
But I was not discouraged, and fortified at last with authority
to begin the negotiations, I informed Lord Aberdeen that I was
ready to take part in them.

The King of England had during this interval ^ opened the
parliamentary session with a speech in which the following
passages relating to foreign policy occurred :

" Since the dissolution of the last Parliament, events of the
greatest interest and importance have taken place on the Con-
tinent of Europe.

" The senior branch of the House of Bourbon no longer reigns
in France, and the Due d'Orleans has been called to the throne,
under the title of King of the French.

" Having received from the new sovereign a declaration of
his ardent desire to cultivate the good understanding, and to

potentiary, passed thence to London as Ambassador (1812), and remained there for
twenty-two years. Recalled in 1834, he was made Governor to the Hereditary Prince
Alexander, and died in 1839.
^ November 2nd.

THE REVOLUTION OF 1830. 2^5

maintain intact the existing engagements with this country, I
have not hesitated to continue my diploniatic relations and
cordial intercourse with the court of France.

" I have seen with profound regret the present state of affairs
in the Netherlands.

" I greatly deplore that the enlightened administration of the
King has not guaranteed his States from a revolt, and that the
wise and prudent measure, to submit the wishes and complaints
of his people to the deliberations of an extraordinary session of
the States- General, has not led to a satisfactory result. I am
endeavouring, in concert with my allies, to re-establish peace by
such means as may be compatible with the well doing and the
good government of the Netherlands, as well as the future security
of the other States. Scenes of tumult and disorder have pro-
duced great uneasiness in different parts of Europe ; but the
assurances of a friendly disposition, which I continue to receive
from all Foreign Powers, justifies the hope that I shall be
enabled to preserve to my people the blessing of peace.

" Convinced of the necessity of at all times respecting the
faith of national engagements, I am firmly persuaded that my
determination to maintain, together with my allies, those general
treaties, by which the political system of Europe has been
established, will offer the best guarantee for the peace of the
world.

" I have not yet accredited my ambassador to the court of
Lisbon, but the Portuguese Government, having decided to per-
form a great act of justice and humanity, by according a general
amnesty, I believe that the time will soon arrive when the
interests of my subjects will require a renewal of those relations
which have for so long existed between the two countries."

In transmitting this address to Paris, I was able to state
that on leaving Westminster Hall I followed the king's carriage
to the palace, that on my way there, I was the object of the
kindest and most friendly demonstrations, having reference
solely to the king whom I have the honour to represent, that
cries of " Long live Louis Philippe ! " were heard on all sides, and
that our national cockade attracted universal attention.^

The king opened Parliament on the 2nd of November, and
Lord Aberdeen fixed the 4th of November for the first meeting
of our conference. This I therefore attended, being authorized

^ Mdme. de Dino sent the account of this ceremony to Mdme. Adelaide. See
Appendix, Letter 12.

256 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

to do so by M. Mold's last letter, but I had no instructions
whatever as to my line of conduct, either from M. Mole or
from Marshal Maison,who succeeded him as Minister of Foreign
Affairs on the 2nd of November.

Before entering into the deliberations of the conference at
London ^ in detail, it is necessary to recall briefly the events
which had taken place in Belgium and which were the cause of
this conference.

As has already been stated, the King of the Netherlands had
been beaten in his struggle with the Belgians, and with the
exception of the fortress of Antwerp, which was still occupied
by the Dutch troops, these latter had entirely evacuated the
territory which formed the old provinces of Belgium ; and the
Dutch and Belgian troops found themselves face to face on their
respective frontiers and quite ready to continue the war.

A provisional government had been established in Brussels,
and although many of its members were honest and temperate
men, there was such a diversity of opinions among them, that it
was very difficult to foresee which would prevail in the end. In
the actual country, the House of Orange had still many partisans,
who nevertheless were not represented in the provisional govern-
ment. This was composed of ardent Catholics, who would no
longer hear of having the Protestant Princes of Nassau, of a
few Republicans without weight or real support in the country,
and lastly of men who anxiously desired the reunion with France.
These last were old officials of the French Empire, mostly in-
triguers of not over good repute, and who had opened up rela-
tions with the Imperialists of Paris, some of whom had easy
access to Louis Philippe. The greatest plotter among them was
the Comte de Celles,^ the grandson of Mdme. de Genlis. The

' At the Conference of London, which began on November 4th, only England,
France, Prussia, Russia, Austria and the Netherlands were represented.

- Antoine Charles Fiacre, Comte de Wisher de Celles, born in 1779, was made
Deputy to the States-General of Brabant, and member of the Municipal Council of
Brussels. Napoleon nominated him Master of Requests to the Council of State and
prifet of the Loire Inf^rieure, and also of Zuyder Zee. After the events of 1814,
having again become a subject of the King of the Netherlands, he was elected for
some 'time to the provincial states. In 1830 became the head of the French party in
Belgium, who asked for the Due de Nemours as king. Nevertheless, King Leopold
sent him as Minister Plenipotentiary into France. After some time he there became
naturalized, and was elected Councillor of State in 1833. He died in 1841.

THE REVOLUTION OF 1830. 257

Belgian provisional government was naturally the expression of
the Chamber of Deputies which had created it, and it will readily
be seen, that all this formed sufficiently discordant and un-
manageable elements to contend with.^

The position of the King of the Netherlands was no less
complicated. His eldest son, and heir to the throne, the Prince of
Orange, working for his own ends, had tried to place himself
between the revolted Belgians and his father the king. He
would willingly have agreed to an arrangement, which, by pro-
visionally separating Belgium from Holland, would have placed
the former under his rule : trusting to again re-unite the two
kingdoms after his father's death. He had allowed this scheme
to become apparent, in a proclamation issued from Antwerp,
which had greatly incensed both his father and the Dutch nation
against him. Nevertheless, being finally rejected by the Belgians,
the prince had to retire to the Hague, where it was no easy matter
to reconcile him to the king, and appease the popular feeling that
had manifested itself against him. In order to extricate him from
the false position in which he found himself in Holland, the
king s-hortly after sent him temporarily to England, under the pre-
text of upholding the interests of Holland at the conference.

Such was the position of this question, when the first meeting
of the conference took place on the 4th of November, an
account of -which I sent to Paris on the 25th.

London, November $th, 1830.

M. LE MiNISTRE,

Conformably to the authority given me by the king,
and which was transmitted to me by M. le Comte M0I6, under
date of 31st October last, to assist at, and participate in, all the
conferences which might take place respecting the affairs of
Belgium, I went yesterday morning to Lord Aberdeen's, whither
I had been summoned, together with the Austrian ambassador
and the Prussian and Russian ministers.

We have held our first conference. The Duke of Wellington,
who was present, spoke first, and expressed the sentiments of
all the members of the conference, by pointing out that the

1 The provisional government, called together on the 25th of September, was
composed of the Baron d'Hooghworst, M. Charles Rogett, the Comte A. de Merode,
MM. Gendebien, Van de Weyer, Jolly, Van der Linden, Nichnlai, and de Coppin-
M. de Potter joined it three ''""=1 later.

VOL. III. S

258 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

Powers must endeavour to find the most persuasive and con-
ciliatory means of arresting the effusion of blood in Belgium,
of calming the extreme irritation of the people, and restoring
national tranquillity. It seemed to us that humanity as well as
policy demanded that our first efforts should be directed to this
end, and that such would be more surely attained, if it were
possible, first to procure a provisional armistice between the two
parties, until the deliberations of the Powers were concluded.
This proposal was unanimously agreed to, and it was decided
that we should meet again this evening, to consult as to the
means of making known at the Hague and at Brussels the views
of the five great Powers represented at the conference.

M. Falck,^ ambassador of the Netherlands, was present at
the evening conference, in accordance with Article IV. of the
protocol, agreed to on November 15th, 181 8, at Aix-la-Chapelle,
which runs as follows :

" When special assemblies, either among the august sovereigns
themselves, or between their respective ministers and plenipo-
tentiaries, shall have for their object any matters specially con-
nected with the interests of the other states of Europe, such
meetings will not take place except in pursuance of a formal
invitation on the part of those States whom the said affairs
concern, and with the express reservation of their right to par-
ticipate in them directly or by their plenipotentiaries."

M. Falck has agreed to the proposal of an armistice, which the
five ministers signed this morning, and which he has undertaken
to transmit to the King of the Netherlands. It will be sent to
Brussels this evening by two commissioners, and as I wished
France to appear prominently in this great humanitarian act, I
suggested that it would be both suitable and expedient if one of
the two commissioners was French, and I got the five Powers to
'select M. Bresson. Mr. Cartwright,^ the English minister at
Frankfort, was the other commissioner chosen.

I hasten to send you a copy of this protocol.

This proposal is advantageous in every way, and justice will
be done to the intentions which brought it about, even if it falls
short of the desired effect.

^ Antoine Reinhard, Baron Falck, a Dutch statesman, born 1776, formerly secretary
to the Embassy at Madrid. On the accession of King Louis, he retired into private
life until after the evacuation of Holland by the French in 1813. He was then made
secretary to the provisional government, later on Secretary of State, and in 18 18
Minister of Education and the Colonies. After the Revolution of 1830 he re-entered
the diplomatic service and was appointed Minister in London, and in 1840 at Brussels.
He died in 1843.

^ Sir Thomas Cartwright, an English statesman, born in 1795' He was specially
attached to Lord Palmerston, Mhose secret foreign agent he became. He was
Minister at Stockholm when he died. 4

THE REVOLUTION OF 1830. 259

The speech of the King of England at the opening of Parlia-
ment occasioned some interesting debates. The opposition
complained, that the principle of non-intervention in the affairs
of Belgium was not made sufficiently plain. Active intervention is
assuredly not the intention of the English Cabinet ; intervention
by counsel and advice is not of an alarming nature, and the
guarantee given by the five Powers to the union of Belgium and
Holland, rendered this step necessary in presence of the events
which had dissolved it. The opposition also raised the question
of parliamentary reform, on which the king's speech had not
touched. Contrary to general expectation, the Duke of Wel-
lington, instead of trying to evade or adjourn it, declared that as
long as he remained at the head of affairs he would never con-
sent either to a radical or a partial reform. His friends had
not expected that he would express himself thus plainly, and
Mr. Peel, while the duke was addressing the House of Lords,
replied to similar remarks in the House of Commons, but with
greater caution and reserve. This declaration greatly vexed
those who favour the present administration. . . .

The instructions from Paris for which I had asked with so
much urgency, arrived at last. They were sent to me by
Marshal Maison, together with a letter announcing his appoint-
ment as Minister of Foreign Affairs.

Here are these instructions : —

I do not know what can have retarded M. de Chenoise's
arrival, but as I know that he was bringing you the authority to
open the conferences and to take part in them, I have nothing
further to write to you on that head, unless it is to say that the
king impatiently awaits the details, which you will send me
respecting all that has taken place.

As regards the instructions you asked for, I will occupy
myself in drawing them up, and will meanwhile tell you their
substance, without waiting to discuss what might have been
possible at one time but is so no longer.

1st. That we believe that the only possible basis of arrange-
ment in the present state of affairs is, that Belgium should be
separated from Holland, and raised into an independent state
under a sovereign prince ;

2nd. That this prince should if possible be the Prince of
Orange ;

3rd. That if it cannot be the Prince of Orange, the
Belgians should be called upon to declare their wishes as to the
choice of the prince who is to become the head of the state ;

S 2

26o THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

4th. That you must set aside all demands that may be made
to you, to entrust, even temporarily, any other fortress except
that of Luxemberg, to any foreign garrisons whatsoever.

I have the honour moreover to inform you that what I am
writing to you is strictly confidential and secret, and that no
one in London must know that I have written it to you. I have
only told you of it in order that you may know the special
directions given in your instructions, and consequently the line
your communications with the English Government must take
in order to attain the end which the king has in view. This end
is to bring about an arrangement compatible with the equili-
brium of Europe, as established by existing treaties, and at the
same time to show that France is determined to maintain her
engagements, to manifest her complete disinterestedness, no
matter how great may be the sacrifices to which she resigns
herself, in order to give neither motive nor pretext for war, and
to ensure the continuance of universal peace.

The king desires that you will also inform the Duke of
Wellington that his Majesty has seen with great pleasure the
assurances given by him on this point, in his speech in the
House of Lords.

I must also inform you that these instructions alter nothing,
but on the contrary confirm whatever my predecessor sent you,
and that you are not at present to make any special proposals
at the Conference, but to accept those that will be made, ad
referendum, and transmit the same to me, in order that I may
take the king's instructions and make known his wishes to you.

It will be seen that these instructions had been dictated by
the king himself to Marshal Maison, who was too little aw courmit
with matters to have initiated and drawn them up. Such as
they were they sufficed me for the moment.

Simultaneous with the arrival of the Prince of Orange in
London, without any other object than to conceal his awkward
position in Holland, the provisional government of Belgium sent
over a kind of agent, charged to find out whether the foreign
Cabinets would be disposed to accept one of Eugene Beauharnais,
sons as king of Belgium \^ these suggestions were not however
even listened to. But another storm was gathering on the horizon,

' There had been a question of August Charles Eugene Napoleon, Due de
Leuchtenberg and Prince of Eichstadt, the eldest son of iPrince Eugtee, bom 1816.
The opposition of the French government put an end to his candidature. In 1834 he
married Dona Maria, Queen of Portugal, but died shortly after in 1835,

THE REVOLUTION OF 1830. 261

and threatened to oppose fresh obstacles to the progress of affairs.
No sooner had the late French Ministry been replaced by a
Cabinet, tainted with the reputation of a revolutionary spirit, than
the existence of the English Cabinet was in its turn shaken. It
will be remembered that when giving an account of the debates
in the House of Lords, on the king's speech, I mentioned that the
Duke of Wellington had spoken with extreme warmth against any
kind of reform in the electoral system of the House of Commons.

This warmth was to prove fatal to the Cabinet over which he
presided.

The king had accepted an invitation to dine with the lord
mayor, on which occasion the ministers and the whole corps
diplomatique were to be among the guests, numbering over five
hundred. It was natural that such a sight would attract a
great crowd, which no doubt would take this opportunity to
exhibit the feelings that agitated them, either for or against
reform, and that if the king was cheered, the same feeling
might not be shown towards the Ministry. This dinner was to
take place on the 9th of November. On the 8th, Mr. Peel, the
Home Secretary, wrote to the lord mayor, stating that their
Majesties, the king and queen, would not be present at the
dinner, as they feared the cortege might provoke disorder, and
endanger the lives of his Majesty's subjects.

This decision caused great agitation all through the town.
Large crowds gathered in the city ; the funds fell on the
exchange ; and after much consultation the dinner was put off
indefinitely.^ But such an incident could not stop there, and
necessarily increased the animation of the debates in Parliament,
where Mr. Brougham,^ on the i6th November, gave notice of a
motion on Parliamentary reform.^

1 See M. de Talleyrand's letter to Madame Adelaide, Appendix, No. 14. _

' Henry, Lord Brougham, a writer, barrister, and statesman, was born in 1779,
elected a member of Parliament in 1810. He sided with the Whigs. As a lawyer, he
did most of the political law business of the House. It was he who defended
Queen Caroline in the trial brought against her by her husband George IV. In the
House, as at the bar, he stood equally in the first rank as an orator. In 1825 the
University of Glasgow elected him Chancellor. Finally, in 1830, he took part in the
Government. Created a peer of England and Lord Chancellor, he joined tlie Cabinet
of Lord Grey, and helped to pass the Reform Bill. He retired in 1834. Up to his
death in 1868 he often spoke in the House of Lords.

2 The Reform Bill thrown out by Wellington, again brought forward by Lord
Brougham, was finally brought forward in the Commons in 1831 by Lord John Russell.

262 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

While awaiting the results of the sitting of the i6th, the
Plenipotentiaries met several times in Conference, without, how-
ever, making any marked progress, as we had not yet heard
how the proposal for an armistice had been received at the Hague
and Brussels. But during this interval I received a remarkable
document which I had to consider as supplementing my in-
structions. This was a statement of the Belgian question drawn
up by Louis Philippe himself, and which I will give here in its
entirety. It was addressed to Marshal Maison, the Minister of
Foreign Affairs, who sent it on to me just as he had received it.
It is dated nth November, 1830.

It seems to me to be most important, my dear Marshal,
that M. de Talleyrand should be somewhat enlightened as to
the present state of Belgium, in order that he may acquaint us
what arrangements for the formation of a government could be
obtained from the Belgians, and ratified by the Prussians ; for
that is the problem which has to be solved, and the solution is
not an easy one ; especially when you add thereto our pre-
dominant concern in the matter, so that the interests of France
may not be injured, either in the present or in the future.

We have established as a primary basis, the separation of
Holland from Belgium. This is what both the Dutch and the
Belgians wish themselves, but which the King of the Nether-
lands does not want. Can he be compelled to accede to it .'
That is the question, for force cannot be used to bring this about ;
and yet, to arrive at it by negotiation, it would be necessary
either to show him some special advantages, which we can find
nowhere, or at least to obtain unanimity amongst the Powers as
to what they require of him, and to accomplish this is more than
doubtful.

If we had been, or were even now, able to induce the Belgians
to accept the Prince of Orange as their king, I believe the
Powers could have been brought (without encountering any in-
surmountable difliculties) to insist unanimously on this being
ratified by the king his father, which he would have been com-
pelled to do. A satisfactory arrangement of the limits of the
two countries would, however, still have been necessary ; this
would have been a source of great difficulty, and it is as

It did away with the representation of three hundred rotten Borous^Jis, increased that
of the towns, and added largely to the number of members of Parliament. Thrown
out in 1831 by the Lords, this Bill was not carried in both Houses till June 7th
1832.

THE REVOLUTION OF 1830. 263

well to pause a little in order to look into it ere going any
further.

In the proposal for an armistice, to which M. de Talleyrand
very wisely agreed, the Conference decided as a first step, on a
line of demarcation, which secured to the Belgians the evacua-
tion of the fortress of Antwerp ; but this advantage is balanced
by the preservation to the King of the Netherlands, of Maastricht,
Stephenswerdt, Venloo, that is to say, the line of the lower
Meuse, which protects Belgium from the aggressions of Germany,
and the inhabitants of which are attached to Belgium by their
customs, habits, and ideas ; although they originally formed
part of Holland, and not of the Netherlands. It is partly from
knowing the moral disposition of the people, and partly from
want of troops to form proper garrisons, that the king has
already removed all the war material from Maestricht by way
of the Meuse. It also appears that the moral and political feel-
ings of Breda, Bois-le-duc, and Dutch Brabant, are similar,
and that they also wish to make common cause with Belgium
and not with Holland.

As for that portion of Belgium which is on the right bank of
the Meuse, and which was formerly part of Lower Austria, that
is to say, Ruremonde, Virours, Limburg . . . the inhabitants of
these places are entirely Belgian, and there is even reason to
believe that all these districts have already sent their deputies
to the National Congress at Brussels.

With regard to the more southern portion on the right bank
of the Meuse, the inhabitants are still more Belgian than any-
where else. But here fresh complications, much more difficult
of adjustment, present themselves.

These countries consist of the duchies of Bullion, Luxem-
burg, the ancient abbeys of St. Hubert, Stavelot, and
Malmedy . . . the duchy of Luxemburg has been incorporated
in the German confederation ; the fortress of Luxemburg has
become a Federal fortress and has, under this name, been
occupied for fifteen years by a Prussian garrison. It is
needless to say anything further in order to show the difficulties
that would be experienced, either by uniting these countries to
the new Belgian state, or retaining them for the King of Holland,
and re-establishing his authority, which has everywhere been an-
nulled, except in Luxemburg itself, where it has been preserved
if not in reality at least in name, by the Prussian garrison.

Doubtless all these complications would disappear were it
possible to induce the Belgian National Congress to ask for the
Prince of Orange as their sovereign, and it is the weight of these
considerations which makes it so essentially desirable that he

264 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLE YRAND.

should be chosen, for then there would be nothing to arrange
between Belgium and Holland except a question of boundary,
which would be of very slight importance to Europe, and in
which France would have no further interest, than to take
care that the Prussian occupation should be limited, as it is now,
to the fortress of Luxemburg only. It would have to be stipu-
lated that neither Bouillon nor Maestricht . . . could be oc-
cupied, except by the troops of the sovereign, to whom those
places belong ; for it will not escape either your perspicuity or
your patriotism, my dear Marshal, that if, for example,
Maestricht and Venloo were to be occupied by German
garrisons, France would have the right to demand, in the way
of security and compensation, that Bouillon and Philippeville
should in their turn be held by French garrisons, But this is a
useless and perhaps even a dangerous point to discuss, and
every way it is preferable to arrange, that the fortress of Luxem-
burg shall continue to be the only one which can be occupied
by a German garrison. It is necessary to try and eliminate
from the discussion, everything that might lead to the suppo-
sition that France has ambitious views, which she has not, since
her greatest wish is, that the general peace of Europe should
not be disturbed, and that each Power should continue within
its present limits.

The most important question at present, therefore, is to
ascertain whether the Prince of Orange can still become King
of Belgium, or whether he cannot. If he can, there is no doubt
that he should have the preference, as much in the interest of
France as that of the other Powers ; but if this is no longer
possible, it will be necessary for the Powers to agree as to the
choice of whoever becomes his substitute.

It is on this important point that it will be necessary to
instruct M. Bresson to gain the most precise information in the
shortest possible time. The choice of the Prince of Orange is,
above all desirable, in order to paralyze the war party in the
foreign Cabinets, especially that of St. Petersburg, where, it is
said, this selection is the only one that will obtain the consent
of the Emperor Nicholas. It is asserted that the King of the
Netherlands is the more opposed to the choice of his eldest son,
as he has no love for him, and that he is persuaded that if he
can but succeed in stirring up a continental war, the result for
himself would be, not only the recovery of Belgium, but also the
addition of French Flanders and some other fortified towns to
his states. These dreams, founded on the same chimeras with
which the Cabinets deluded themselves in 1792, will probably
have the same result now as they had then ; that is t-o .say, the

THE REVOLUTION OF 1830. 265

King of the Netherlands will stand a greater chance of losing
Holland by a war, than of regaining Belgium and of adding
French Flanders to his states ; but we must expect him to
oppose every obstacle he can to the choice of his eldest son, and
still more to that of any one else.

It appears that the composition of the National Congress of
Brussels is almost analogous to that of 1790, under Van der
Noot and Van Eupen,^ that is to say, it is composed principally
of the aristocracy and the clergy of the country. It is even said
that more than one-fourth of its members are ecclesiastics. This
circumstance will make the selection of a Protestant prince still
more difficult, and it is even asserted that they have decided upon
the total exclusion of the House of Nassau, not only of the
Prince of Orange, but of his son, who, some people flattered
themselves, they might proclaim under the regency of some
distinguished Belgian, such as, for instance, Comte Felix de
Merode,^ a member of the provisional government, to whom so
much influence is attributed, that he might, if he chose, be elected
hereditary Grand Duke of Belgium, or even king. He is the
grandson of M. de La Fayette, and his relatives in Paris, as well as
his friends, speak openly of the possibility, or even according to
them, the probability of such a choice. They consider him a
triumph over the republican party of Potter^ and Theilmann *

^ Henry Charles Nicholas Van der Noot, a Belgian politician, bom in 1735, dis-
tinguished himself in 1759 by his energy in throwing off the Austrian yoke. He tried
to interest England, Prussia and Holland in the Belgian cause, placed himself at
Breda, together with the Abbe Van Eupen, at the head of a committee of Belgian emigris
and on the 24th October, 1789, proclaimed the independence of Belgium. His attempt
seemed likely to succeed. He entered Brussels and called a Congress together, over
which he exercised a powerful influence ; but in November, 1 799, the approach of the
Austrians obliged him to fly. He took refuge in Holland and was no more heard of
till his death in 1827.

- Philippe FelixComte de Merode,born 1 79 1, was descended from an old and illustrious
Belgian family. He married Mademoiselle de Grammont, and was living in Franche
Comte when the news of the revolution called him to Brussels. He entered the
provisional government. His name and his influence placed him foremost for the
regency, and even for royalty. Nevertheless he furthered the election of King
Leopold and was several times Minister during his reign. He retired in 1839, and
died in 1857.

' Louis Joseph Antoine de Potter, a political writer and Belgian historian, bom
1786. He did not begin his political career till 1828. The attitude he took caused
him to be greatly censured. He was condemned to eight years exile when the
revolution of 1830 broke out. Returning to Brassels he placed himself at the head of
the Republican party. Seeing that his efforts were ineffectual, he returned to Paris
in 183 1, whence he energetically combated the policy of King Leopold. He went
back to Brussels in 1838, and lived there in retirement till his death in 1859.

* Jean Fran9ois de Theilmann, lawyer and Belgian statesman. He was one of
the most active members of the Liberal party, and was exiled in 1830 together with
his friend Potter. Returning to Brussels the following August, he was made Adminis-
trator-General of the Interior, member of the Constitutional Commission, Minister of
the Interior, and Governor of the Provinces of Antwerp and Liege. He was deputy for
Brussels. He was also nominated Councillor of the Court of Appeal for Brabant. He

266 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

who, notwithstanding the power afforded them by the large
armed force under their authority in Brussels, have not had
influence enough to be elected members of the National
Congress. It is further added, that the clergy are favourable to
the idea of Comte Felix de M^rode, who is said to be very
devout ; and we must not lose sight of the fact, that the clergy
and the religious spirit of Catholicism, will for some time to
come have an enormous influence in Belgium. We must also
not forget that the Belgian clergy blame the French clergy for
having joined in the defence of absolute power, and profess
loudly that to defend religion effectually, the clergy must show
that they defend the liberty of the people.

Under these circumstances therefore it appears, that if it is
difficult to flatter ourselves that the Prince of Orange or his son,
still a minor, will be chosen, it is no less difficult to procure the
choice of a Protestant prince, and the selection must therefore
be confined to the small circle of Catholic princes.

There has been some question in Brussels as to the Due de
Leuchtenberg ; and M. de Talleyrand informs us that this
suggestion was not even listened to in London. It is very
desirable that it should not be so anywhere.

The list of Catholic princes who might be chosen by the
Belgians is unfortunately very small. It is thought that they
are desirous to ask for one of my sons,^ but this idea must be
put aside, and must not even be discussed, since in the present
state of Europe such a discussion would be dangerous, and
could have no possible chance of success. The same may be
said of the Austrian Archdukes, who must also be eliminated.
There remain therefore only the families of Naples, Saxony,
and Bavaria, from which a choice could be made. France
would not object to this, and there seems no reason why any
of the other Powers should do so either. But we must not
conceal from ourselves that the unpopularity of the Neapolitan
Royal family, leaves but scant hope that the choice of the Belgians
might fall on Prince Charles of Naples,^ who is nineteen years
old, and who is well spoken of Thus we must realize that there
is no other alternative than the choice of Prince John of
Saxony,^ who is thirty years old, of Prince Otto of Bavaria,*

retired from public life in 1847, and devoted himself exclusively to magisterial
work. ^ The Due de Nemours.

' Charles Ferdinand, Prince of Capua, bom 181 1, son of Francis I., King of the
two Sicilies.

' John of Saxony, born iSoi, son of King Anthony, manied to the Princess
Amelie, daughter of the King of Bavaria. He succeeded to the throne on the death
of his brother in 1854, and died in 1873.

■* Otto Frederick Louis, Prince of Bavaria, born 1815, son of King Louis, was
elected King of Greece in 1832, obliged to resign the Crown in 1862, and died in 1867.

THE REVOLUTION OF 1830. 267

•who is only ten or eleven years of age, and of Comte Felix de
M^rode, either as Regent, or as hereditary Grand Duke.

The result is doubtless not very satisfactory. Let us hope
that more favourable opportunities may present themselves, but
let us be content with those arrangements which, being more
practicable, can alone insure the continuance of European
peace. La Fontaine says truly :

" Les plus accommodants, ce sont les plus habiles.
On hasarde de perdre en voulant trop gagner."

One cannot but admire in what a very judicious and dis-
interested way the king in these lines appreciates the various
views of the Belgian question, but it is also apparent that he is
quite aware of the numerous difficulties which surround its
solution. In communicating to him the news that the Belgians
had agreed to the armistice, I felt bound to tender him the
following remarks : ^

I have read and re-read the statement of the Belgian ques-
tion, which is written by so august a hand ; and I was deeply
struck by the deep reasoning and profound knowledge of the
source from which it is borrowed.

This, as far as the information I have gathered enables me
to judge, is the situation of the country and of the different
parties.

The Belgian Congress is the real exponent of the national
sentiment ; the majority of opinions is incontestably in favour
of monarchy.

This is demonstrated by their first proceedings as well as by
their choice of a president.^

The republican party, and the one desirous of a reunion
with France, are represented in about equal numbers.

Were the monarchical party unanimous in their choice of a
prince, the advantage would undoubtedly be theirs ; but this
question, which is of greater importance than even the royalist
principle and form of government to the majority, especially
the clergy, will probably cause a division among them. There

1 This fragment is extracted from a letter to Madame Adelaide, dated 1830.

"^ The Congress, which had begun its sittings on the loth of November, had on the
22nd, by a vote of 174 out of 197, declared in favour of a monarchical form of govern-
ment' only thirteen members voting for a Republic. On the nth November, Baron
Surlet de Chokier had been elected president. He was one of the chiefs of the
monarchist party. He it was who, later on, in the middle of the Congress, brought
forward a motion in favour of the election of the Due de Nemours.

268 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLE YRAND.

is a fraction of the monarchical party who are even more opposed
to the Prince of Orange personally and to the House of Nassau
generally, than they would be to the establishment of a republic.
That is the quicksand which we have to dread. If the discussion
be not preceded by a previous agreement, and by mutual con-
cessions, so that the monarchical party in the Congress may be
impressed by an appearance of unanimous action, the opposing
factions, strengthened by these divisions, will as surely regain the
upper hand. The proclamation of the republic will be their first
tentative act ; union with France their second, should the first fail.

Whilst admitting the unity of the royalist party, there would
still be another danger to be avoided. Were the Prince of
Orange elected, the tactics of his opponents would resolve them-
selves into attacking the Congress in the integral parts of its
constitution, which they would assume to be unpopular ; they
would contest its rights, invalidate its decisions, and inflame the
country with antagonism against it. But their being in the
wrong, they would be more vulnerable.

The portion in the monarchical party in favour of the Prince
of Orange, and individually opposed to all the other princes, is
the strongest and the most numerous ; it is stronger and even
more numerous than the other parties also taken individually.

In saying this, I assume that the choice of the Due de
Nemours, would, as a matter of wisdom, be set entirely aside and
put out of the question ; for he would at once turn the scale.
The bombardment of Antwerp, and his trip to the Hague, have
greatly prejudiced the cause of the Prince of Orange, and it will
be difficult to regain the advantage he has lost. It is possible
that judicious hints made with the utmost caution by the great
Powers, might be productive of some good.

M. de Merode cannot be regarded as the head of any party,
being merely a tool, chiefly of the clerical party. Neither he,
nor M. d'Oultremont, nor M. d'Hoogworst,i have any real chances.

The Duke of Leuchtenberg would have no following, were
it not that his name is connected with recollections of the Empire,
and French sympathies generally. Without the support of the
great Powers, he is practically of no importance.

The Archduke Charles^ is supported, in default of M. de
Mdrode, by the same party.

Left to itself, this subdivision of the Catholic monarchical
faction would be completely inert. It might decide the question

^ Emmanuel Vanderlinden, Baron de Hoogworst, a Belgian General (1781-1866),
commanded the National Guard of Brussels in 1830, was made a member of the
Provisional Government, and Commander-in-Chief for life of the whole Belgian
National Guard.

^ The son of the Emperor Leopold, and the celebrated adversary of Napoleon.

THE REVOLUTION OF 1830. - 269

by strengthening the party of the Prince of Orange, or of one of
his sons, a change of religion being the condition of their sup-
port in the election of either the above named. On no other
terms would they capitulate. As to the princes of Naples,
Bavaria or Saxony, their names have not even been suggested
to the Belgians. They have no party, but they may become a
necessity.

The entire situation is an extremely complicated one, and
there is no doubt that the election of the Prince of Orange is
the easiest solution of it.

Just at this time, and whilst these questions, in themselves
so momentous, were being discussed, another fresh obstacle, as
I mentioned before, threatened to delay the proceedings of the
conference.

The English ministry, having been defeated in some in-
significant matter in the House of Commons, determined to
retire. The cause of this action on their part was a discussion
as to the desirability of referring the bill relating to the civil list
to a special committee ; the Government opposed this step, as con-
trary to established precedent. A majority of twenty-nine votes
in 437 having pronounced against the Government, the Duke of
Wellington and his colleagues tendered their resignation, which
was accepted by the king. This occurred on the 1 5 th November,
the ministers preferring to retire at this first manifestation of
the hostility of the Commons, rather than await the discussion
of Mr. Brougham's motion. The king thereupon summoned
Earl Grey,^ and entrusted him with the formation of a Cabinet
from the moderate Whig party. This event might influence the
result of our important negotiations in various ways ; if, per-
sonally, I regretted Wellington's withdrawal from office, having
had long-standing and reliable relations with him, and he being
one of those who enjoyed as did no other man in like degree
the confidence of Europe ; on the other hand, the presence of

1 Charles Grey, bom in 1764, entered Parliament in 1786, and allied himself closely
with Fox. He was head of the Whig party from 1792 till 1802. In 1806 this party
having come into power, Mr. Grey was made First Lord of the Admiralty, and after
the death of Fox, Minister for Foreign Affairs. He retired in 1807, and succeeded his
father the same year, when he entered the House of Lords. In 1830, Earl Grey was
requested to form a Cabinet, which, after a short break in 1832, lasted till 1834. He
died in 1 845.

270 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

the Whig party at the head of affairs, being more liberal in its
general tendencies, gave rise to the hope that it might offer
certain facilities for the progress of the negotiations. This party-
was in no way responsible for the transactions of 1815 ; and
having so frequently deprecated and attacked the same, they
would in no way feel themselves bound to uphold them in all
their integrity. It is true this advantage was somewhat neu-
tralized by the fear, that the revolutionary party, which was then
in such violent agitation on the Continent, might hope to find>
and eventually did find, allies in those ministers, who whilst
they were in opposition, encouraged, and at times even inflamed
their aspirations. Nevertheless, we were forced to accept this
change, and to turn the same to the greatest possible advantage
to ourselves.

The retiring ministry had announced their intention of re-
taining the direction of affairs until another administration
should be formed. Lord Aberdeen therefore convoked the
conference after his resignation had been sent in.

At this sitting our commissioners, who had returned from
Brussels, handed in the consent of the provisional government
to the proposal of an armistice.^ This consent had not been
granted without some discussion as to the territorial limits which
had been fixed by our protocol, but the same objection was
raised, and with greater force, by M. Falck, the plenipotentiary
of the King of the Netherlands, who protested, in the name of
his sovereign, against the proposed limits, as being too prejudicial
to Holland. The conference then drew up two protocols, a
public and a secret one. In the first, the consent given to the
armistice with the Hague and with Brussels was accepted in its
integrity ; but in the secret protocol, the commissioners, who
were returning to Brussels, were desired to try and obtain the
limits demanded by the King of the Netherlands ; should they
however encounter too many difficulties in their efforts, they

1 It was on the loth November that the congress accepted the proposed armistice.
The protocol of the 4th November, which enjoined it, gave as the line of demarcation,
"the boundaries of Holland, previous to the treaty of Paris of the 30th May, 1814."
M. Bresson and Mr. Cartwright, who had brought the news of the acceptance to
London, returned to Brussels on the 19th November, and submitted the second
protocol of the 17th November to the congress, which was also accepted by the
Pro^dsional Government (November 21).

THE REVOLUTION OF 1830. 271

were to keep to the primary basis of the protocol of the 4th
November. There was no actual question of a definite demarca-
tion, which was no more prejudiced by the armistice than were
all the various other questions to which the events in Belgium
had given rise.

Mr. Cartwright and M. Bresson returned to Brussels armed
with deeds and full powers from the conference, which,
having obtained the suspension of hostilities, could now await
with greater security and calmness, the formation of a new
ministry in England.

M. Bresson's absence caused me much inconvenience. As I
have already observed, my embassy was rather ill assorted ;
several young men had been sent to me who had been selected
from amongst what was termed the progressive party. They
were utterly useless for the work of the embassy, in which they
were incapable of taking part, and they compromised its dignity
by their follies and indiscretions. Thus, one member, assisted at
a radical banquet given in honour of Poland, and there proposed
a revolutionary toast ; another announced his intention of not
drinking the health of King Louis-Philippe until that monarch
had abdicated. I had much trouble in ridding the embassy of
these awkward and discordant elements. I earnestly implored,
that some one might be sent to me who was capable of under-
taking the work ; but it was not till the end of November that
* M. de Bacourt appeared on the scene.

The formation of the new Cabinet was attended by a rather
serious complication.

The Duke of Wellington had succumbed to an unexpected
and sudden alliance, composed of the Whig party, and a fraction
of the extreme Tory party (who had never forgiven the duke for
his action in the Catholic Emancipation Bill), ^ and lastly of a few

' The position of Ireland before the Emancipation Bill is well known. Among her
seven million inhabitants, nearly six millions were Roman Catholics, who were
ineligible for election, could not enter any of the liberal professions, and had not
even the right of owning property. After many vicissitudes, thanks to the efforts and
the influence of O'Connell, a strong opposition was formed in 1823, known as the
Catholic Association. From that time, the rapidly increasing agitation frightened the
Government and hastened its dissolution. Four times already, an Emancipation Bill,
passed by the Commons, had been rejected by the Lords, when at last in 1829, it
v^as presented by Wellington and Peel, and was adopted on the loth of April. The
Catholics were admitted to the rights of citizenship.

2/2 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

partisans of Mr. Canning's, who had separated from the Tory
party some two or three years previously. Lord Grey repre-
sented the Whig party, the Duke of Richmond ^ the extreme
Tories, and Lord Palmerston ^ the Canningites. In order to
obtain anything like a fusion of these three parties for
the formation of a Cabinet, it was of primary necessity to
come to an understanding as to the principles which should
guide them, and the measures they should propose ; hence the
delays and difficulties that arose. Only to cite one amongst
many. The fall of Wellington's ministry was evidently due to his
too explicit declaration against all parliamentary reform. It
was hardly possible that public opinion could be thus directly
shaken in this matter without great danger. Some parliamentary
reform must necessarily therefore form one of the measures of
the new Cabinet.

But one of the fundamental principles of the extreme Tories,
and of Canning's administration, had always been a stern
opposition to any parliamentary reform. Would they still hold
to this doctrine in all its rigour .' If so, they could hardly act
in concert with the Whigs ; and if the pressure of circumstances
caused them to coalesce, they would only reproduce the
precedent of the Duke of Wellington and Mr. Peel on the
Catholic Emancipation question. Furthermore, this action
would separate them from many of their old and faithful political
friends ; and if it brought them new allies, these would by the
very act, prove that their fidelity was only conditional. Up to
the time I am speaking of, it was very rare for Englishmen to
make any compromise in the political principles which they had
once professed ; and the desertion of their party would have
been an unpardonable and unprecedented offence.

Furthermore, even though public opinion ardently desired
some parliamentary reform, the accession to power of the Whig

' Charles, Duke of Richmond, bom in 1791, entered the House of Lords in 181 9,
on the death of his father. He was Postmaster-General in 1830 in Earl Grey's
Cabinet.

- Henry John Temple (Viscount Palmerston), born in 1784, entered the House of
Commons in 1807, was Lord of the Admiralty in the Portland Cabinet in 1807, and
Secretary of State for War in 1809. He retained this place until 1828. He then
became Secretary for Foreign Affairs from 1830 till 1841, and again from 1846 till
1851, Home Secretary from 1852 till 1855, First Lord of the Treasurj' from 1855 till
1858, and again in 1859 until his death in 1865.

THE REVOLUTION OF 1830. 273

party, inspired public men with a certain amount of dread, and
this dread showed itself by a considerable fall in the public
funds. For the last century England had become so used to a
Tory administration, the intervals of Whig Government had been
so short, and I might add so little successful, that the majority of
people who were in any way important either by their position
or by the interests they represented, did not welcome their
return. The Times, that newspaper which had been so long
the organ of their party, and which was always ready to uphold
them, was nevertheless obliged to express the impressions of the
" City," where the principal financial and commercial operations
of London take place, in the following terms :

" General feeling is not very favourable to a Whig ministry,
inasmuch as the Whigs, and the men of this party, do not
possess that financial reputation to- which public opinion
attaches so great an importance ; but it is difficult to see what
other alternative remains. All practical men are of opinion that
a government could hardly be called to take office at a time
"beset with greater difficulties."

All this, it is very apparent, was the reverse of reassuring.
But I did not feel absolutely alarmed thereat, and believed
that relations with England would not be materially affected by
the recent change. It is true we had been on good terms with
the retiring ministry ; and it is not always wise to try to
J improve a good position. But I thought that the new adminis-
tration might adopt principles approximate to those of their
predecessors in their foreign policy, and that we might thus
reap a further advantage : and acting in concert with them, in
the same way as we should have done with the late Cabinet, it
would probably be viewed with greater popularity in France,
consequent on the opinions which were dominant there at the
time.

The ministry was formed at last, and was composed as
follows:—^

Earl Grey, First Lord of the Treasuiy ; Lord Palmerston,

^ See M. de Talleyrand's views on this new ministr)' in Appendix, Letter No. 15.
VOL. III. T

274 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

Foreign Secretary ; Lord Melbourne/ Secretary of State for
Home Affairs ; Lord GodericV Secretary of State for War and
the Colonies ; Lord Althorp,^ President of the Indian Council ;
Lord Lansdowne, President of the Council ; Lord Durham,* son-
in-law of Lord Grey, Lord Privy Seal ; Mr. Brougham,
Chancellor, with the title of Lord Brougham ; Lord Holland,*
Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster ; Lord Auckland,*
Secretary of the Board of Trade, without a seat in the council ;
the Duke of Richmond, Grand Master of the Ordnance.

While this Cabinet was being formed in London, a new
modification had taken place in the French ministry. General
Sebastiani having become Minister of Marine, in place of
Marshall Maison, who had been nominated ambassador to the
Court of Vienna.^ These perpetual changes did not facilitate
the progress of affairs ; but it must be admitted that a state of
semi-revolution was almost general everywhere, and it is

^ W. Lamb, Viscount Melbourne, bom in 1779, entered the House of Commons
in 1805, and the House of Lords in 1828 on the death of his father. He was Home
Minister in 1830, became First Lord of the Treasury in 1834, and continued at the
head of the Government, save for a brief interruption, until 1841. He died in 1848.

^ Sir Frederick John Robinson (Baron Ripon, and Viscount Goderich), born in
1782, Member of the House of Commons in 1806, Under Secretary of State for the
Colonies in the Portland Ministry in 1807, member of the Admiralty Commission in
1810, Chancellor of the Exchequer in 1823, Colonial Secretary in 1827, entered the
House of Lords the same year, under the title of Viscount Goderich. In i827-iS28he
was for some months First Lord of the Treasury, than again Colonial Secretary, Lord
Privy Seal in 1833, President of the Board of Trade in 1841, and of the India Office
in 1843. He retired in 1846, and died 1859.

' John Charles Spencer, Viscount Althorp, afterwards Earl Spencer, born in
1782, entered the House of Commons in 1804, Lord of the Treasury in 1806,
became Chancellor of the Exchequer in 1830, entered the House of Lords in 1834.
On the fall of the Grey Ministry he retired from public affairs, and died in 1845.

■* John George Lambton, Earl of Durham, born in 1792, entered the House of
Commons at a, very early age, was created a peer in 1828, and joined Lord Grey's
Cabinet as Lord Privy Seal in 1830, was Ambassador at St. Petersburg in 1830,
then Governor of the North American Colonies. He died in 1840.

* Henry Richard Vassall Fox, Baron Holland, nephew of the celebrated Fox,
bom in 1773, succeeded his father in the House of Lords, was Lord Privy Seal
in 1806-1807. In 1830 he was made Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster, which
appointment he kept, save for a brief interval in 1835, until his death in 1840.

* George Eden, Earl of Auckland (1784-1849), entered the House of Commons
in 1810, and in 1814 succeeded his father in the House of Lords. In 1830 he
joined the Grey Ministry as President of the Board of Trade and Master of the
Mint, and in 1834 he became First Lord of the Admiralty under Lord Melbourne's
Ministry. In 1836 he was made Governor-General of India. He retained this until
1842. Then in 1846 he again became First Lord of the Admiralty, and died a few
years later (ist January 1849).

' On the 1 7th of November. Marshal Gerard was at the same time replaced
as War Minister by Marshal Soult, the Comte d'Argout replaced General Sebastiani
as Minister of Marine.

THE REVOLUTION OF 1830. 375

well to know how to deal with any popular phase that may-
arise.

I had insisted most peremptorily at the last sitting which
Lord Aberdeen had attended, that the affairs relating to the
armistice between the Dutch and the Belgians should be con-
cluded, and in order to effect this, our sitting had to be pro-
longed far into the night. I had succeeded in infecting the
other members of the conference with my eagerness in this
matter.

This eagerness was based on my anxiety, that the matter
should assume such proportions as might insure us the co-opera-
tion of the new ministers on the same lines we had opened out
to them ; my idea being, to ask that, on their first taking office,
they would accept all the decisions with reference to Belgium
which had been arrived at at the various conferences, as being
thoroughly sound and well digested, and that they should them-
selves declare this conviction on the first occasion that might
present itself I therefore brought as much pressure to bear on
the new ministers as I could on this point, being convinced
that it must exercise considerable influence over any delibera-
tions that the Belgians might ultimately have on the subject.
We were constrained to steer between two opposing currents ;
some persons reckoning too much on the Belgians, and others
looking most to the King of the Netherlands. I had thus to go
charily between these two parties and avoid giving undue
umbrage to either. Events, however, turned out as favourably
as I could have wished ; and it will be seen later on, that the
new Cabinet entered entirely into my views as to the best way
of conciliating those interests, in themselves so diverse and
complicated, in which not only Belgian questions but also those
of European moment, were involved. In order to make my
meaning easier of comprehension, it will not perhaps be super-
fluous to cast a rapid glance on the particular dispositions of the
several cabinets existing at the time we are treating of After
which we will briefly sketch those of their representatives in the
conference of London, and delineate their general character.

Austria, greatly alarmed by the revolution which had taken
place '" France and the disturbances that had broken out in

T 2

276 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

Brunswick, Saxony and Hesse,^ continued to stir up discords in
Germany, hoping by these measures to oblige the federal army
to take active steps, or at any rate to make up its full comple-
ment, and tried to find some pretext for engaging her own army
on some point of foreign territory. M. de Metternich, far from
regretting that he had made no sacrifices to the exigencies of
the times, was only vexed not to have further aggravated them,
and did not despair of being able to make up for lost time.

The dispositions of Russia were much on the same lines ;
she also was preparing considerable armaments. She wished to
entrust these to General Diebitch,^ who had been sent to Berlin,
where with the help of the intrigues of Austria, of the Prince
Royal, and of M. Ancillon, he sought to destroy the credit of
M. de Bernstorf, and to persuade the king into adopting the
armed intervention, which the King of the Netherlands so
ardently desired.

But happily the King of Prussia, enlightened by his past
experiences and his profound knowledge of the state of men's
minds in Germany and particularly in Russia, and also one
may say from the natural honesty of his character, resisted all
the influences and the pressure, which were being brought to
bear upon him. Will he however continue to resist them } The
maintenance of peace was hanging on the solution of this ques-
tion ; and many others also were bound up with it. In the
state of affairs I have just described, one was forced to con-
jecture whether the change which had taken place in the
English ministry would make the courts of northern Europe
more pliable or more persistent in their demands. Would

^ An insurrection had just broken out in the Duchy of Brunswick. The duke,
who had steadily refused to accept the constitution of 1820, was forced to seek refuge
in England, and abandoned the Government to his brother William on the 7th Sep-
tember. In Hesse Cassel a similar rising took place, against the Landgrave William.
He retired to Hanau, whence he granted his subjects a very liberal charter. Finally
in Saxony, both Dresden and Leipzig became the scenes of the most serious insur-
rectionary movements. King Anton was obliged to dismiss his ministry and promise
his people a constitution.

^ Jean, Comte de Diebitch-Zabalkanski, bom in 1785, entered the army in 1797.
Went through the campaigns of 1805, 1806, and 1807. In 1812 he was made Major-
General, signed the treaty of Reichenbach with England and Prussia in June, 1813, and
was made Lieutenant-General after the battle of Leipzig. After the peace he was
made head of the Imperial Staff (1820), and Field Marshal in 1829. He commanded
the Russian army during the war in Poland in 1 83 1, but died during the campaign
on the 9th of June.

THE REVOLUTION OF 1830. 277

they consider themselves capable of entering into contest
with a Whig ministry which they could not hope to coerce,
or would they think it necessary to make serious prepara-
tions for hostilities ? Would they become more suspicious,
more irritable ? Finally, would they consider that they had
reached a pass, where they ought to hazard everything, in order
possibly to win everything ?

It. was thus with a mind preoccupied by all these con-
siderations, and the eventualities that might ensue therefrom,
that I carefully weighed the language I should use at the forth-
coming meeting of the conference, which the new Minister for
Foreign Affairs, Lord Palmerston, was about to summon. This
conference was composed as follows :

Austria was represented by Prince Paul Esterhazy.^ who had
for fifteen years, held the post of ambassador in London, where
he was liked and esteemed by society and the aristocracy of
England. Beneath an appearance of great ease, and a tempera-
ment which was always gay and of singular amiability, he hid
greater perspicacity and greater business qualities, than he has
been given credit for. His position as an influential Hungarian
magnate endowed him with more liberal views than those held
by M. de Metternich, whilst his long residence in England
having familiarized him with the usages of constitutional
government, had enlarged his ideas, and prepared the way for
those concessions which were inevitable under the present state
of affairs in Europe. Somewhat later, by Prince Metternich 's
orders, he was joined by Baron de Wessenberg, the object of
this appointment being, either to remove the latter from Vienna
where his presence was obstructive, or else to restrain Prince
Esterhazy, whose influence M. de Metternich might possibly fear.
If this last was his object, he was deceiving himself hugely, as
M. de Wessenberg was far more susceptible of being led away
than was Prince Esterhazy himself I had already made the
acquaintance of the Baron de Wessenberg at the congress of

1 Paul Antoine, Prince Esterhazy de Galantha, an Austrian diplomat, born in
1 786. Began as Secretary to the Embassy at London, then Ambassador at Westphalia
in 1810 at Rome in 1814, and at London from 1815 to 1818. He returned to London
in 1830', and remained there until 1838. In 1848 he formed ono. of the Bathyani
Ministry. He died in 1866.

278 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

Vienna, and I then recognized in him a clever man of
business, energetic and hard working, but nothing more. As a
statesman, his views are too confined ; thoroughly honest in
himself, he believes he has an accurate knowledge of everything,
from having for the last forty years been in a position to hear
and to remember all the scandal and gossip of Europe.

The Prussian minister. Baron de Bulow,'^ is fully conversant
with general affairs; he is a man of ability and humour, of the
Prussian type, sometimes pushing adroitness to the verge of
cunning. He has married the daughter of William de Humboldt,
but has in no way espoused the anti-French mania of the latter,
which was so unpleasant to me at the congress of Vienna. M. de
Billow wished to please both the parties which divided the court
of Berlin ; that of the king, who was old and cautious, and that
of the Prince Royal, who might at any moment succeed to his
father's throne and whose leanings were distinctly towards
Russia. I had several times to draw him away from these in-
admissible sympathies, in order to get him to appreciate clearly
the actual course of events.

Russia had two official representatives at the conference in
London ; Prince Lieven, and Comte Mantusiewicz. The latter,
a Pole by birth, had been educated in France, and was justly
proud of having gained the highest prize and honours, in the
competition of 1811 at the University of Paris; his habits,
manners and mental faculties, have remained intensely French,
and he possesses rare gifts, and a great editorial capacity. He
had been sent to London to take part in the negotiations relat-
ing to Greece, and he had remained as Russian representative
ad interim, during Prince Lieven's temporary absence ; I found
him filling this post on my arrival in London. He had shown
his conciliatory views at the beginning of Belgian affairs, in spite
of the antipathy which he knew his sovereign felt towards the
new order of things established in France ; but when, a little

^ Henri, Baron de Biilow, born in 1790, entered the army in 1813, went through
the campaigns of 1814 and 1815, and was sent to Frankfort after the peace as Minister
Plenipotentiary. In 1817 he was attached as Secretary to the London Embassy ; he
returned to Berlin and became Privy Councillor and Minister of Foreign Affairs. In
1827 he was appointed Ambassador at London, where he remained till 1840, passed
thence to Frankfort (1841), and was made Minister of Foreign Affairs in i8/t" He
retired in 1844, and died in 1846.

THE REVOLUTION OF 1830. 279

later on, there was a rising in Poland, he showed his great ability
in being able to retain his position as Russian plenipotentiary
at the conference in London. It will easily be seen that his
equivocal position, as a Pole, did not render him as amenable in
our negotiations as he would doubtless otherwise have been.
As for Prince Lieven, I owe him the testimony of having helped
us greatly by his loyalty, and his resistance to the ill-advised
outbursts of anger of the Emperor Nicholas. M. de Lieven has
more ability than is generally supposed ; in this respect however
the presence of his wife is detrimental to him, and she moreover
effaces him much more than is expedient under the circum-
stances.

It was generally reported in London that his conciliatory
attitude arose chiefly from his desire to retain his appointment
as ambassador ; this, however, seemed to me unlikely, and in
any case was an unsuccessful attempt on his part, as he ended
by being recalled. But I should be giving an incomplete and
defective description of the Russian legation in London, and
the important part it was playing there, if I omitted to mention
Madame de Lieven.^ She would perhaps forgive me less easily
than would any one else, were I to pass her name over in silence.
Madame de Lieven had been resident in England for nineteen
years, having come over in 18 12, during the time when
Napoleon's foolish enterprise against Russia, had led the
Emperor Alexander to seek the friendship of England. It
must be remembered that at this time, not a single legation
had been for some years accredited to the court of St. James,
with whom every continental cabinet had, either really or only
apparently, been forced to sever official relations. The appear-
ance, therefore, of an embassy from Russia, created an immense
sensation. The Prince Regent, the court, the aristocracy, in
fact the whole English nation, received the representative of the

^ Dorothee de Benkendorf, Princess Lieven, born in 1784, married at sixteen to
the Prince de Lieven, appointed Lady-in-Waiting in 1828 to the Empress of Russia.
When the Prince was recalled to St. Petersburg she remained in Paris. In 1848 she
retired to Brussels. Again returning to Paris, she remained there until 1854, the date
of the Crimean War, when she went back to Brussels, but soon again returned to Paris,
where she died in 1857. Mdme. de Lieven left many souvenirs in London and Paris,
where she had been on intimate terms with the most prominent political men. Canning,
and later on Lord Grey, were the most constant attendants of her salon.

28o THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

Russian emperor with a warmth amounting almost to enthu-
siasm. M. de Lieven was welcomed everywhere throughout
the country, and Madame de Lieven, who, during her husband's
mission in Berlin, had already acquired some celebrity, naturally
shared the ovations given to her husband. At the court, in the
absence of any queen, the first place became hers by right, and
the Prince Regent delighted to attract her to Brighton, where
her presence offered some pretext for that of the Marchioness
of Coningham, whom few ladies in English society cared to
meet. The aristocracy, renowned for their hospitality, received
the new ambassadress with open arms, and willingly granted
her all those little privileges which are shown to women whose
beauty, wit, or fortune, place them at the head of fashionable
society ; the undoubted empire exercised by Madame de
Lieven over English society, dates from this time ; and having
once gained it, she had the great merit of preserving it for some
considerable time ; and this was entirely due to her own \vit and
charm, for it does not appear that she ever had any real beauty.
But even when age had tarnished the bloom of youth, she knew
how to supply its place by great dignity, an exquisite manner,
and a commanding air, which gave her a noble and somewhat
haughty appearance, closely resembling the power she wields.
Without much education, and stranger still, without having ever
read much, she has great natural ability ; her style, when writing
French, is singularly charming, being varied, original and easy-
She writes far better than she speaks, this being no doubt due
to the fact, that in her conversation she seeks less to please than
to dominate, to interrogate, and to satisfy her own insatiable
curiosity ; she is therefore more piquante by the boldness of her
questions, pushed even to provocation, than by the vivacity of her
replies ; and she gives the impression of rather preferring the
satisfaction of embarrassing others, than of wishing to please
them by setting them at their ease in her society. She evinced
this desire of thus treating her audience, which was rather
numerous, at one of our earliest meetings.

" You may say and do what you will," she exclaimed
suddenly, " but what has just taken place in France is nothing
more or less than a flagrant piece of usurpation."

THE REVOLUTION OF 1830. 281

" You are quite right, Madame," I replied, " but the only-
thing to be regretted in the matter is, that it did not take place
fifteen years ago, when your master, the Emperor Alexander,
so ardently desired it."

I am bound to say that since then, she has never provoked
me, and that we got on very friendly terms, although she quietly
did all in her power to frustrate our negotiations, and this
antagonism could hardly fail to be productive of unfavourable
results, more especially after the change which had so lately
taken place in the English ministry. Madame de Lieven,
perhaps in remembrance of her youth, was rather volatile in her
political likings ; but her ability was chiefly conspicuous, in
being able invariably to be even on better terms with the
incoming ministers, than with those who were retiring. Thus,
after having carefully cultivated the friendship of the Duke of
Wellington for a considerable time, she quietly dropped him, in
order to gain that of Mr. Canning. On the death of the latter,
the duke having again taken up the direction of affairs, Madame
de Lieven was not in the same high favour with him, she there-
fore spared no arts of coquetry to win over Lord Grey as soon
as he came into power, and I had many an opportunity of
perceiving that in this she had to a certain extent succeeded.

A description of Lord Palmerston, who succeeded Lord
Aberdeen in office, will complete this sketch of the members of
the conference.

Lord Palmerston is certainly one of, if not quite the ablest
of statesmen I have ever met with in all my official career. He
possesses all the aptitude and capacity which most contributes
to form such a man in England — extensive and varied information,
indefatigable activity, an iron constitution, inexhaustible mental
resources and great facility of speech in Parliament Without
being what is called a great debater, his style of eloquence is
biting and satirical, his talent lying more in his power of
crushing an adversary under the weight of his irony and
sarcasm, than of convincing his auditors ; and furthermore,
he has great social qualities and highly finished manners.
There is one point in his character, however which to my mind,
entirely outweighs all these advantages, and would prevent his

282 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

being considered in the light of a real statesman — he allows his
passions to influence him in public affairs, to the extent of
sometimes sacrificing the greatest interests to his personal
feelings. It may be said, that nearly every political question
resolves itself with him into a personal one ; and whilst
seeming to defend the interests of his country, it is nearly
always those of his hatred or revenge that he his serving. He
is very skilful in hiding this secret motive, under what I might
call, patriotic appearances ; and it is by this same skill that he
nearly always contrives to influence a considerable portion of
public opinion, which he leads in whatever direction his own
personal passions indicate. I shall often have the opportunity
of proving the truth of these remarks, which explains how Lord
Palmerston has always retained a certain popularity, even when
changing his party, and whilst lending his great talents and
abilities in turn, to the Tories, the Whigs, and even at times to
the radicals. There are few Englishmen who know. as well as
he does, how to excite John Bull's patriotic feelings. We
worked very amicably together during the first months of
the conference, and it is to this accord that the excellent
results that were obtained, may be attributed. Having now
spoken of the principal men concerned, we may revert to the
affairs which occupied them.

Lord Grey, according to my desire, had taken the oppor-
tunity of his first .speech in Parliament — in which he laid down
the lines on which the new ministry proposed to act — to proclaim
his peaceful and friendly intentions towards France ; he also
said that he considered the governments of the two countries
were founded on the same principles. This speech made a
great impression on the public. It was essential that our
friendly relations with England should be established on a firm
foundation, and, this being done, we had to turn it to the
greatest advantage.

An incident moreover supervened, which by irritating the
Courts of Austria, Prussia, and especially that of Russia, made
it still more important that there should be perfect concord
between France and England. Before even ratifying an armistice
with Holland, which had been obtained through the mediation

THE REVOLUTION OF 1830. 283

of the conference, the Belgian congress had quite recently
proclaimed the total exclusion of the House of Nassau as
candidates for the throne of Belgium. Fortunately for us,
this decision had been arrived at, in defiance of vigorous steps
taken by the French Government to prevent the same, which
clearly demonstrated the good faith it had shown in this
matter.^

At the first meeting of the conference under the presidency
of Lord Palmerston, who informed us, that the Hague and
Brussels had definitely accepted our proposals of an armistice,
I propounded some views to the assembled plenipotentiaries,
which I thought should be transmitted by them to their several
governments. I told them :

Gentlemen, we now have the assurance that hostilities will
be permanently suspended and that all bloodshed will cease ; the
time has therefore arrived for some agreement to be arrived at
as to the proper means of settling the very thorny question
which has been entrusted to our care. It is very evident that
we shall not attain this end, if we do not bring a spirit of con-
ciliation into this council, and if we do not all unite in having one
common aim — that of the maintenance of peace, which is such a
crying necessity to all parties. It is impossible to ignore the
fact, that whatever may have been the motives of the Revolution
which has taken place in France, it has more or less shaken
nearly every throne in Europe, and has everywhere weakened
the fundamental principle of authority.

This I deplore with you, and as much as you do ; but I can
see only one remedy for this evil, namely, that we unanimously
agree to repair it, by giving each other reciprocal help. There is
no doubt that our governments will severally feel increased
internal strength, when able to speak in the name of the five
greatest Powers of Europe. My own government has recently
given you a conclusive proof of the sincerity of its intentions, by
trying to prevent the Belgian congress from pronouncing the
exclusion of the House of Nassau. I much regret it has not been
more successful in this matter, and I shall together with you,
loyally seek means of repairing this misfortune, if it be still
possible ; but whatever may be the issue of our efforts on this

1 See page 257 and note. The question of excluding in perpetuity the inembers
of the House of Nassau from all power in Belgium, was brought before the congress
by M. Rodenbach on the 23rd of November. It was decided by I2i vote.' aeainst
twenty-eight.

284 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

point, it is well to be prepared for every eventuality that may
occur, and to introduce thorough confidence and firmness (which
can alone insure the preservation of peace) into our future
deliberations.

These remarks, which I think possessed the merit of being
true, had sufficient effect for me to hope, that the maintenance
of peace might be attained.

It was agreed during this sitting, that the field should be left
open to the endeavours made by the Belgian partisans of the
House of Nassau, to restore the Prince of Orange into favour with
the congress ; and to occupy ourselves meantime with those
details which it would be necessary to regulate in any case, i.e.
those appertaining to the difficulties, which had unsettled the
boundaries existing between Holland and Belgium, the under-
standing which should be established with the Germanic con-
federation with regard to Luxemburg, the division of the
debt, &c . . . 1

At the time the conference was beginning to discuss these
important questions, an emissary arrived in London from the
newly constructed French ministry, or at least from several of
its members. This was the Comte de Flahaut. His mission was
a somewhat complicated one ; the pretext given being his
former social and amicable relations with some of the members
of the new English ministry. Lord Grey and the Marquis of
Lansdowne amongst others, and it was supposed that the
friendly protection which I had given to M. de Flahaut at the
outset of his official career, would make his presence an agreeable
adjunct under existing circumstances. M. de Flahaut had also
come with the object of preparing the way for his own nomina-
tion as ambassador in London, when circumstances should
oblige me to resign that post. I quickly extricated these
personal particulars from beneath the official covering which had
been given to his embassy, for he was the bearer of a despatch
and several letters in which General Sebastiani solicited my

^ It is very important to consult the correspondence of M. Bresson and M. de
Talleyrand on these various points. We have therefore inserted a few of these letters,
which complete what M. de Talleyrand says respecting these negotiations, in the
Append''" See letters, Nos. i6, 17, 21.

THE REVOLUTION OF 1830. 285

opinion and advice concerning the foreign policy of France ;
and he had also been instructed to introduce some hints in his
intercourse with me, relating to the manner in which it was
thought desirable to conclude the Dutch-Belgian question, after
the Belgian congress had passed the vote excluding the House
of Nassau. The plan unfolded to me by Comte Flahaut, a plan
which had evidently been inspired by M. de Celles and a few
other intriguers of the same species, and had, I have reason to
believe, been accepted by General Sebastiani, was as follows. It
was argued that, as Belgium had rejected the House of Nassau,
and the King, Louis-Philippe, had not consented to the election
of the Due de Nemours as sovereign of the newly formed
State, there remained only one way of conciliating all parties ;
i.e. the division of Belgium. By dividing this country in such a
way that the neighbouring States should be interested in the
division, their consent to the proceeding would easily be
obtained. The King of the Netherlands would thus receive a
portion, and he would doubtless prefer this arrangement to the
total loss of the Belgian States ; Prussia would have her share
of territory, and that of France would of course be the largest of
all ; but as it would be impossible to prosecute this measure
without the consent of England, her claims would have to be
remembered, and she would be offered the city and port of
Antwerp, and the banks of the Scheld as far as the sea coast.
The Comte de Flahaut's mission was to induce me to agree to
accept this marvellous conception.

It did not require much reflection on my part, to grasp
how utterly senseless and dangerous such a project would be,
nor how entirely it was opposed to, and would prevent, the main-
tenance of a permanent peace ; above all, how adverse it was to
the real interests of France, even supposing that it could be
accepted by the other Powers. I recalled what it had cost
France, and how much bloodshed it had necessitated, to
achieve the expulsion of the English from the Continent in past
centuries, and I vowed that, for my part, I would rather cut off
my right hand, than sign any deed which should be the means
of bringing them back there. The extension which it was pro-
posed to offer to Prussia in the direction of our northern frontiers,

286 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

seemed to me no less objectionable than the proposal to offer
England continental territory. I therefore hotly rejected a
a scheme so suicidal to international safety, and which bore
no other character but that of an intrigue. There was to
my mind, only one possible issue to the question which could in
any way benefit France ; and that was the creation of a kingdom
of Belgium, placed under the sovereignty of some prince who
should be too weak to give us any anxiety, and who should not
even possess the means of keeping up the garrisons in the belt
of fortresses, which were erected and maintained at great
expense, in hostility to ourselves.

M. de Flahaut was obliged to be content with this reply from
me, and to be the bearer of it, as well as a despatch, to Paris,
in which I unfolded my views on French foreign policy, thus
replying to the questions that had been put to me by General
Sebastiani.

The despatch ran as follows : — ^

London, November Tjth, 1830.

■' Monsieur le Comte,

I am greatly obliged to you for having persuaded M.
de Flahaut to come to London ; he is on good terms with the
new Ministry, and in this way his presence has been very useful
to me ; while his great tact, guided him as to the language
which it would be most expedient for him to use.

I hasten to reply to the general questions which have been
put to me, as to the foreign policy which France might be induced
to follow under present circumstances. France must not dream
of forming what are termed alliances. She must be friendly
with all parties, and only allow herself special terms of friend-
ship with some Powers ; which friendship she should only
express, when political events require it.

Such ties should exist on a different basis from the alliances
of former times; the progress of civilization will in future
create the ties of our political relationships. We should
therefore seek the friendship of those governments who have
made the greatest advances in civilization ; and thus establish
really friendly embassies. This leads us naturally to look upon
England as the Power with whom it is wisest to have close
and intimate relations, and I should further remark, that there

^ This is not mentioned in M. Pallain's collection.

THE REVOLUTION OF 1S30. 287

are many principles we hold in common with that country, it
being the only one with whom we are agreed as regards
essentials. If in some points we have the advantage over
England, there are, on the other hand, matters in which she is
our superior. It would therefore be a mutual benefit to both
countries, to be on terms of closer intimacy. All feelings of
rivalry are moreover greatly diminished, owing to the severe
colonial losses we have sustained.

Europe is certainly at this moment, passing through a great
crisis. Well, England is the only Power which, like ourselves,
honestly desires to establish peace. The other great Powers
still believe in the phantom of some sort of Divine right.
France and England alone no longer hold to the belief of this
origin. The principle of non-intervention has been adopted by
both countries, and I would add, that it is a significant fact, that
just now there is a kind of sympathy between the two nations.

It is my opinion that we should make use of all these points
of assimilation, in order to obtain that peace for Europe which
she so urgently needs. Whatever may be the opinion of some
other nations as to the desirability of peace, it is necessary that
both France and England should declare that they desire it,
and that this declaration, emanating from the two strongest and
most civilized countries in Europe, should be made known with
all the authority which their power gives them.

Some Ministries, still sailing under the colours of Divine
right, have at this present time ancient means of coalition ; they
can agree, as they have principles in common ; these principles,
it is true, have in some places lost much of their strength, but
they nevertheless exist ; and when their Ministries parley with
each other, they soon come to some agreement. They support
their theory of Divine right by their muskets ; but England and
France will henceforth support public opinion by principles ;
principles are capable of universal propagation, whilst muskets
have only a range which can be calculated and measured to a
nicety.

Europe is therefore divided between these two principles of
government ; they are those which rule her in the present day.
The forces are pretty nearly equally divided between the principle
which sets in motion the Austrian and Russian armies, and the
principle which, acting by public opinion, commands forces which
are nearly if not quite equal. This latter will meet with many
allies in the countries which are opposed to it, whereas its anta-
gonists could hardly reckon on any sympathizers, exceptingin the
Faubourg St. Germain. If there is a doubt, we must weigh down
the scale in our favour, and the method of arriving at this, is to

288 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

induce Prussia to hold views which are less new to her than they
would be to the other northern countries. These, it appears to
me, are the views which the two Cabinets of London and of Paris
should hold. I enlarged upon these ideas at great length, with
Lord Palmerston yesterday, and again to-day with Lord Grey ;
their opinions coincided with my own, and they will instruct their
ministers in Berlin to the same effect. It is very important
that our envoys at that court should be men of great observation
and powers of persuasion.

You have asked me, M. le Comte, what, in the actual con-
dition of France, should be the political system it would be well
for her to adopt, I have endeavoured to answer this question, on
which, however, not a single letter but a complete volxime
might well be written ; the book might be open to objections ;
and even this letter may not be wise.

I will now follow the train of thought, and apply those
principles, to which I have given vent, during the negotiations
in which we are at present engaged. I am convinced that it is
with England that France should try to act, and I think that the
dispositions of the new English Cabinet will greatly facilitate
this move on our part. I was very pleased to see this morning
how satisfied the English Ministry were with our measures, in
sending M. de Langsdorf to Brussels.^ The object of this
mission has been ably enlarged upon by M. Pozzo, in a letter
written by him to M. de Matusiewicz ; he speaks therein with
much praise of a conversation he had had with you, and which
preceded this mission.

I am inclined to believe that if the Belgians have not com-
pletely lost their senses, we shall attain what we desire. It is
very difficult to gain any real influence over the people who are
directing the movement in Belgium ; for it appears that it is the
clergy who are exciting the populace, and silently dominate
the deliberations of the Congress. In my private conversations
with Lord Grey and with Lord Palmerston, I gathered that if
the attempt to reinstate the Prince of Orange was unsuccessful,
they might possibly think of the Archduke Charles as a

' It was M. de Langsdorf who brought the urgent request of the French Govern-
ment to the Belgian Congress, not to decide on the exclusion of the House of Nassau.
As will have iJeen seen, however, this step led to no results. (Note by M. de
Bacourt).

Emile, Baron de Langsdorf {1804-1867), was Secretary to the Embassy at Florence
in 1828. During the days of j'uly he formed part of the deputation, together with
M. de Semonville and M. d'Argout, who went to ask Charles X. to withdraw the
proclamations. After his mission to Brussels, he was named successively secretary at
Rome, at Turin, at Munich, at Constantinople, at Berlin, and at Vienna ; after that
he was made Charge if Affaires at Rio de Janeiro, at Baden, and at the Hague, He
retired in 184.8.

THE REVOLUTION OF 1830. 289

candidate. This I regretted, and told them that the presence of
a Prince of the House of Austria as ruler of Belgium, would
have too much the appearance of a restoration ; adding, that it
might be well to remember (what I had forgotten), i.e. the im-
pressive words uttered by Mr. Fox fifteen years ago, that " the
worst of all kinds of revolutions is a restoration."

Up to this time I had not mentioned the name of any
candidate, although that of Prince Charles of Bavaria several
times occurred to me, he being a Catholic, of forty-eight years of
age, and at the same time a man of ability and of courage.^ This
idea has not yet occurred to any one here, and if it were pro-
pounded by the French Government, they might have the credit
of having done so with the court of Bavaria.

In order to explain to you everything in detail with which I
had been charged in this mission, I must not omit to mention the
affairs of Greece. As yet the great Powers have not suggested
anything on this head, the Belgian affair having absorbed general
attention and interest ; I do not think that any minister has
given the matter a thought, not a single name for Greece having
been mentioned at any of our Conferences.^

As to Algiers, I have avoided speaking of it, and I should
be glad if our newspapers observed the same reticence ; it is
well that the world at large should get accustomed to our
occupation, and silence is the best means to attain this end. I
believe that in England public opinion has undergone some
change on this subject, and that we shall experience no insur-
mountable difficulties when we begin to treat of it." *

M. de Flahaut returned to Paris with this despatch, and
my remarks on the proposed division of Belgium, which project,

^ Prince Charles Theodore of Bavaria, brother of King Louis, was at that time
thirty-five, not forty-eight years of age. He was bom in 1795, and died in 1876.

2 The Conference of London had also to settle the affairs of Greece. The treaty
of Adrianople ( 14th September, 1829), between Russia and Turkey, had proclaimed the
independence of Greece ; it was necessary now to find a sovereign for this new kingdom.
The names of the Due de Nemours, Prince Charles of Bavaria, his brother Prince
Otto, the Prince of Hesse Homburg, Prince John of Saxony, Duke Bernard of Saxony,
and Prince Leopold of Saxe-Coburg, had all been brought forward. The last named
had even gained the suffrage of all the Powers, but he refused the crown (May 21,
1830). It was not till the year 1832 that this question was settled by the advancement
to the throne of Prince Otto of Bavaria.

' The news of the expedition to Algeria had been received both with anger and
anxiety in England, and the English Cabinet had made some very violent and threaten-
ing complaints to the government of Charles X. Perhaps it will not be without
interest to recall here the proud answer which the English Ambassador one day drew
on himself from Charles X. " Monsieur I'Ambassadeur," said the king, "the
kindest thing I can do for your government, is not to listen to what I have just
heard." The events of July calmed down all this excitement.

VOL. in. y

290 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

however, was again revived, but I succeeded in quashing it
completely, as will be seen later on. As regards M. de Flahaut
himself, he went shortly afterwards to represent France at the
court of Berlin, where, instead of trying to conciliate the
Prussian Government towards us, he took up the cause of
Poland with such great ardour, that at the end of two or three
months he found himself obliged to leave his post, disgusted at
not being able to exert any influence on either of the three
Courts which had divided Poland between them.

The Russian Ambassador, M. de Lieven, who was on
leave when I arrived in England (where however he had left his
wife), returned to London towards the end of November, and lost
no time in giving assurances of the pacific intentions of his govern-
ment, both to the English minister and to me. In answer to
the question I put to him respecting the arming of Russia
which so greatly disquieted Europe, he replied categorically :

" The war preparations we have made, were owing to the
original request of our ally the King of the Netherlands, and
their only object was to show that troops were in readiness,
should circumstances arise requiring them. But I may inform you
authoritatively , for I have the I'ight ^ to do so, that our armies will
not and could not act, except with the consent of the four ^
Powers ; I vouch for the truth of this and you can do the same
to your government. I have said the same to Lord Grey and
Lord Palmerston."

I replied that I knew Lord Grey had pointed out to him,
that such a large force naturally would and did cause great
disquietude to France, and that the Russian government ought
to endeavour to allay this ; while the delay in forwarding the
credentials of the Russian Ambassador in Paris, could not but
still further augment this anxiety. I added, that he knew
Europe too well not to have noticed, that there was now a
touchiness among nations, which required careful handling, and
that the surest way to accomplish this was to remove all causes
for disquietude. To this he replied :

" I am positive the Russian ambassador in Paris will receive

' Var. : "le pouvoir" = "the power.'
^ Var. : " les cinq" = "the five."

THE REVOLUTION OF 1830. 291

his credentials at onee, if he has not already done so. As for
the rest, I am very glad to have had this opportunity of giving
you personally the tranquilizing assurance I have just done."

The rising in Poland soon gave us the required opportunity
of testing the sincerity of these new feelings on the part of
Russia.^ However I did not hesitate to take in good faith
Prince de Lieven's declared assurances, and in transmitting
them to Paris, I urged that they should be accepted there in
like manner. I pointed out that in the explanations of the
Russian ambassador, there had been no question as to the
peculiar position of France, and I added :

"We must for the future avoid touching on this subject.
France has again taken her place among the great Powers, and
she cannot allow the least doubt on this matter to be raised.
While maintaining the character ^ with which the events of the
month of July have stamped us, we are none the less at liberty
to take an equal share with the other Powers in the negotiations
of Belgium. It is our duty to uphold the principle of non-
intervention ; but this principle can be perfectly reconciled with
that of the maintenance of frontier treaties. I am glad to be
able to submit these remarks to you, for if you adopt them, as
I have no doubt you will, it will greatly contribute to strengthen
our political position as regards the other states. Our dif-
ficulties at present can only come from Belgium. The Belgians,
after agreeing to the prescribed boundaries, now raise claims
which are not tenable ; they are wrong, both as to facts and
rights, in their assertions, relative to the line, which before the
treaty of May 30th, 1 8 14, separated the possessions of the
reigning Prince of the United Provinces, from those which were
added to his territory to form the kingdom of the Netherlands.
The instructions of Lord Ponsonby were quite in accordance

^ The Polish insurrection broke out at Warsaw on the night of the 29th November.
The whole of Poland rushed to arms and assembled under the banner of General
Chlopicki, who was proclaimed dictator. After a struggle of ten months, Russia
triumphed. Warsaw was taken on the 7th September, 1831. See the impression this
insurrection made in Paris in M. de Talleyrand's letter, number 18 in Appendix.

* The ^oAViVa/ character.

' Lord Ponsonby had been sent to Brussels as Minister of the Conference, to
replace Mr. Cartwright, who was obliged to go to his post at Frankfort as English
Minister. — (M. de Bacourt).

John, Viscount Ponsonby, was born in 1770, took his seat in the House of Lords

U 2

292 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

with this opinion,^ he will maintain the same as we do, that the
Belgians have falsified the line, by the manner in which they
represent it.

I must tell you that England has quite decided upon the
independence of Belgium ; and that Lord Ponsonby, who left
this morning, is not to raise any difficulties on this point. He
is instructed to renew the assurances of non-intervention, but,
like ourselves, his government does not apply this principle to
boundary difficulties, which may be violated either by one side
or the other."

It will be seen by the extract from this despatch that the
English Government had been induced to recognize that
Belgium must be irrevocably separated from Holland. This
separation being recognized without entailing war, was an
immense success for French policy. Provided that a Republican
government was not established in Brussels, the choice of the
actual sovereign was, according to my view, quite a secondary
question ; for I felt sure that whoever the sovereign might be,
he would be a near and faithful ally to France. Indeed about
this time a certain union was suggested, which offered the best
possible solution as to the choice of this sovereign, since it
would both please England and satisfy us. This had reference to
Prince Leopold of Saxe-Coburg, who, after being elected by the
Belgians, and recognized by the Powers, was then to marry one of
Louis Philippe's daughters. But this solution will have to pass
through many vicissitudes ere arriving at its accomplishment.^

Our affairs were therefore going on satisfactorily in London,
and if the vexatious delays of the King of the Netherlands, and
the ridiculous demands of the Belgians, caused some difficulties
at the Conference, the good understanding which existed among
the members, gave the assurance that these difficulties would
finally be overcome ; besides which, the news of the insurrection

in 1806, and sided with the Whig Party. He entered the diplomatic service, and
was accredited to Buenos Ayres, to Rio de Janeiro, to Brussels 1830, and Naples 1832.
He was subsequently ambassador at Constantinople, and then at Vienna in 1846. He
retired in 1 851, and died in 1855.

^ With what I have the honour of telling you on this subject.

^ For the preliminary steps of this union, and the first negotiations connected with
it, see M. de Talleyrand's letters to Mdme. Adelaide, of the 13th and 14th December,
and that of M. Bresson to the Prince on the 25th December in Appendix.

THE REVOLUTION OF 1830. 293

in Poland, which reached us in the beginning of December,
acted as an additional and powerful motive for Russia, Prussia
and Austria, to show a conciliatory spirit in the arrangement of
Belgian affairs. But it was not of a nature to produce a similar
effect in Paris, where it greatly excited the populace just at the
moment when the trial of Charles X.'s ministers might perhaps
provoke dangerous agitations. It was well known that the
revolutionary party would employ all their resources to turn
this incident to account. Would the government be strong
enough to maintain order, and make the course of justice re-
spected 1 This was a matter of the greatest anxiety in Paris,
and this anxiety, as well as its cause, did not render the position
of the French ambassador in London any the more comfort-
able. It is not easy for a negotiator to adopt a high and firm
tone, when at any moment he may be asked, " Does your
government still exist at this present time .' " The sad result
of revolutionary times, which must be overcome but which
often entails very sorrowful reflections.

Nevertheless I did not permit myself to be discouraged, and
I eagerly seized the opening afforded me by the obstinacy of the
King of the Netherlands, and the more friendly feelings of the
Congress at Brussels, to attain the end I was above all most
anxious to secure — the dissolution of the kingdom of the Nether-
lands. This is what I wrote to M. Sebastiani on the 17th of
December : —

M. LE COMTE,

The Ambassador of the Netherlands has written to say
he is ill. I believe that he wishes to make use of this indisposi-
tion to retard the work of the Conference, and I have just learnt
a decision on the part of his sovereign, which confirms me in the
opinion, that this Prince is endeavouring to throw all possible
obstacles in our way. M. Falck has been informed, that on the
receipt of the protocol of our fifth Conference, the King of the
Netherlands had selected M. Zuylen de Nyeweldt ^ to proceed to

^ Hugo, Baron de Zuylen de Nyeweldt (1781-1853), a Dutch diplomat, was
secretary of the embassy at Paris (i!:>o5), and then at Madrid (1807). He retired
during the accession of Louis Buonaparte. After 1814 he re-entered the diplomatic
cai-eer, was made minister at Stockholm, at Constantinople, and plenipotentiary at
London. He became Minister of State in 1833, then Minister "f Foreign Affairs,
and finally Minister of Religion (1842). He retired in 1848.

294 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

London as second plenipotentiary, and bringing fresh instructions.
It is evident that this nomination is nothing but a measure to
gain time, for no one could be better fitted to carry on the king's
affairs here than M. de Falck. Besides M. de Falck's reticence
lately, and especially just now, only show too plainly that he is
embarrassed, and that his government is not keeping faith.

After carefully thinking over this incident, I decided that
there was only one way to put an end to our uncertainties,
namely, to ask for the immediate declaration of the independence
of Belgium. I think I was justified in making this demand, for
from the beginning of our negotiations it was agreed that while
France was to exert her influence to induce the Belgians to sign
an armistice, England would use hers to prevail upon the King
of Holland to take the same step. We have been completely
successful. The Belgians agree to everything, and we owe them
this reward for the willingness they have shown us. The English
Cabinet, notwithstanding all its efforts — and they have been quite
sincere — has not been able to obtain the positive declaration from
the court at the Hague, which we must naturally receive.^ The
character of the King of Holland is an obstacle to everything,
but this obstacle must be overcome, and I do not know of any
better method to arrive thereat, than to induce the Conference to
declare ^ the independence of Belgium. I intend therefore to
speak about this to Lord Palmerston before the Conference, and
then to lay the proposition formally before the plenipotentiaries of
the four Powers. If I obtain this to-morrow, and I hope I shall
do so, we shall have made a great step.

It is possible that after my conference with Lord Palmerston,
I may get him to make the proposal himself ; it would be pre-
ferable that it came from him, for it would carry more weight
with the King of the Netherlands. As for the rest, I will decide
upon what is best after the conference, and will send off the
courier you have sent to me. . . .

As I have given this despatch I cannot do better than con-
tinue to give those which followed, and which will explain more
clearly than any narrative, how matters were progressing.

London, December 2.0th, 1830.
M. LE COMTE,

I announced to you in my last despatch the return, on
the morrow, of the courier you had sent me ; but the amount of
business and the length of our conferences, did not allow me to

^ Var. : " attendre " = "expect." " Var. ; "demain" = "to-morrow."

I'HE REVOLUTION OF 1830. 295,,

carry out this intention, and it is only to-day that I am in a
position to acquaint you with the important result of our de-
liberations. The Conference has assembled every day, and
one of our sittings lasted over seven hours. You will not be
surprised, M. le Comte, at the length of these discussions, when
you learn that the English plenipotentiary and I, were alone
agreed about the question of the independence of Belgium, and
that we had to induce the four other plenipotentiaries to share,
our opinion. But I attached too great importance to carrying
out the king's wishes not to press forward as much as, lay in my
power, a resolution which it was so important we should pass.
I therefore send you the protocol of our Conference, which has
this moment been signed ; you will perceive that it embraces
all that we could reasonably hope for. I trust the king will be
satisfied with it. The signature of the Russian ambassador was
most valuable, and difficult to obtain, but you will find it
there.^

Receive

' The independence of Belgium dated from the signature of this protocol,
December 20th, 1830. On account of its importance we here insert it.

" The plenipotentiaries of the five courts having received the formal adhesion of
the Belgian Government to the armistice which was proposed to it, and which the
King of the Netherlands has also accepted ; and the Conference having thus, by arrest-
ing the effusion of blood, accomplished the first task it had undertaken, the plenipo-
tentiaries have assembled to discuss the future measures which ought to be taken, in
order to remedy the derangements which the troubles that have fallen on Belgium,
have wrought on the system established by the treaties of 1814 and 1815.

"In uniting Belgium and Holland by the said treaties, the signatory Powers of
these same treaties, and whose plenipotentiaries are at this moment assembled, intended
to establish a fair equilibrium in Europe, and to ensure the maintenance of the general
peace.

' ' The events of the last four months have, unfortunately, demonstrated that this
perfect and complete amalgaTnation, which the Powers desired to effect, betzveen these two
kingdoms, has not been arrived at, that it will in future be impossible to effect it, that
thus the very object of the union of Belgium with Holland has been frustrated, and
that it will henceforth be indispensable to have recourse to fresh arrangements, in
order to fulfil the intentions, for the carrying out of which, this union was to have served
as a means.

"Joined to Holland, and forming an integral part of the kingdom of the Netherlands,
Belgium had to perform her share of the European duties of this kingdom, as well as
the obligations which the treaties had enjoined upon her towards the other
Powers. Her separation from Holland will not free her from this part of her duties
and obligations.

" The Conference will therefore occupy itself in discussing and arranging the best
possible fresh arrangements, which will combine the future independence of Belgium
vrith the stipulations of the treaties, and the interests, and the safety of the other Powers,
and at the same time preserve the equilibrium of Europe. To this effect, the Con-
ference, while still continuing these negotiations with the plenipotentiaries of
H. M. the King of the Netherlands, will undertake, that the provisional govern-
ment of Belgium shall, as soon as possible, send commissioners to London,
provided with instructions and powers, sufficiently ample, to be consulted and

296 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLE YRAND.

London, Dece7iibi:r iist, 1830.

Monsieur le Comte,

I was rather hurried yesterday by my wish to send off
the courier who is bringing you the protocol of our Conference.
To-day I can better appreciate the importance of the resolution
that has been adopted, and I am already in a position to inform
you, that it has produced a powerful impression on the influential
people of this country to whom it is known. It is looked upon,
if not as an actual guarantee for the maintenance of peace, at
least as taking away from the partisans of war a very powerful
means of stirring up restless spirits. This view I fully endorse,
and I firmly believe that even in the present state of Europe, the
recognition of Belgium as an independent State by the five
great Powers, must have a very beneficial result for us.

The events that have supervened in Poland, have recalled to
me what I, when still young, felt equally with all France, at the
time of the division of that kingdom. It is impossible ever to
forget the impression it produced in the last century. It de-
stroyed the policy of France, and neither the Due d'Aiguillon,
Minister ofForeign Affairs, nor Cardinal de Rohan, Ambassador
at Vienna, ever recovered from the disgrace of having ignored
the negotiations which preceded this great act of injustice and
spoliation.

Later on, a most favourable opportunity presented itself for
re-establishing the kingdom of Poland. In 1807 and i" 1812^
the Emperor Napoleon could easily have restored its in-
dependence (so important to the equilibrium of Europe) to this
kingdom ; he would not, however, do so, and I need not recall
to your memory, M. le Comte, the grave error which was
then committed. In 18 14 the chances of war had placed us in
the position of being unable to think of anything beyond our
mere existence, and we were forced to keep silence, when the
subjection of Poland was completed. Now that our voice has
regained its weight in the Councils of Europe, it must no longer
be the same. I believe that, without disturbing peace, it will be
quite possible for you, with the assistance of England, and by
choosing a favourable opportunity, to offer our mediation, and to

listened to, on everything that can facilitate the definite adoption of the arrange-
ments of which mention has been made above.

" These arrangements cannot in any way affect the rights which the King of the
Netherlands and the German confederation, exercise over the Grand Duchy of
Luxemburg.

" estertraz, talleyrand, bulord, lleven,
" Wessemberg, Palmerston, Matusiewicz."

■^ Suppressed in the text of the archives.

THE REVOLUTION OF 1830. 297

succeed in turning the late events regarding Poland, to the
advantage of Europe.

Every one now clearly sees that the kingdom of Poland,
strongly constituted, would form the best possible barrier against
the menacing invasions of Russia. Many ways present them-
selves of arriving at this result, and if England would enter
frankly into our views, I fancy we should find powerful aids
against Russia, in the Grand Duchy of Posen, in Gallicia, in the
Polish provinces of Russia, in Finland, perhaps even in Sweden,
and also in Turkey. It seems to me that it would be quite
possible to attain the end of which I speak without having
recourse to war ; the Cabinet of St. Petersburg, properly ad-
vised, would perhaps in time, give in to wisely combined
measures.

All this would require to be well and carefully thought out.
I have only wished to give you some reflections, to which I will
add further details if your views coincide with mine on this
matter.

While I was obtaining the important declaration of the in-
dependence of Belgium from the Conference in London, the
French Government in Paris gained a great and glorious victory
over the revolutionary party, and on the 22nd of September the
trial of the ministers of Charles X. took place before the Court
of Peers, without a single capital punishment having been
awarded, and without any demonstrations from the mob, ob-
structing the course of justice. I received the news, I must
confess, with immense satisfaction, and the letter in which
Madame Adelaide announced it to me, is too honourable to her,
and gave me too great pleasure, not to insert it here.

Paris, December lyd, 1830.

Here we are at last, past the crisis of this terrible trial ;
this great drama has ended in a manner worthy of our revolu-
tion and the king who governs us. Truly, it needed all his
strength, his composure and his patience, to arrive at so
splendid and happy a climax. He is now doubly rewarded by
all the tokens of affection and esteem that are everywhere
showered on him. He has just gone, out for a ride, amid
general acclamations, to make the round of the different wards,
in order to express his satisfaction to the brave and excellent

298 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

National Guard for their admirable conduct, which was quite
beyond all praise.

We have passed through three most anxious days, but we
are now more than rewarded for them. I know that General
Sebastiani sent a courier to you last night, and that you will
already have received the good news when this letter reaches
you. It was most necessary that you should be fully informed
as to what had really occurred, as no doubt many false and
alarming rumours have reached London, for there has evidently
been a concerted scheme to spread alarm and terror abroad.
Even here, from one quarter and another, we received the most
erroneous and vexatious accounts, which, but for the king's
calmness and sangfroid, might have resulted in the adoption of
perfectly wrong measures.

I congratulate you with all my heart on the fortunate result
of your Conferences ; it is a grand and most satisfactory success,
at which I rejoice doubly, mon cher prince, both for you, as well
as ourselves. The king is enchanted thereat, and very proud
indeed of the success of the Ambassador of his choice. He
desires me to tell you a thousand charming things. . . .

What now disquiets us is the fate of those poor Poles. I
greatly fear for them ^

Our affairs had now taken a turn far the better; the termina-
tion of the ministerial trial, greatly relaxed the strain of the situa-
tion in Paris, whilst the independence of Belgium, cordially
agreed to by the five Powers, assured the maintenance of peace,
at least for the time. This was a great gain, but many knotty
points had yet to be decided. The Ministry, presided over by
M. Lafitte, had neither strength nor credit in France or abroad ;
commerce and industries were nearly ruined ; and business
generally was bad, the views and the weakness of the Ministry,
inspiring the people with but little confidence.

There was also a very serious complication in connection
with the proclamation of the independence of Belgium, namely
the grand duchy of Luxemburg, which was attached to the
Germanic confederation by very special arrangements. The
Belgians claimed the right to this province, which in 1814 had
been given to the King of the Netherlands, and in which there
was a federal fortress, forming part of the general system of

^ See M. de Talleyrand's reply to this letter, No. 22 in Appendix.

THE REVOLUTION OF 1830. 299

defence of the Confederation. It was necessary therefore both
to pacify the Confederation, and to satisfy the claims of the
King of the Netherlands, as well as those of the Belgians.

This was the subject of very long negotiations which lasted
several years, and finally ended in a very suitable arrangement,
but which, for a long time, was the cause of endless trouble ; for,
in proportion as the political horizon got clearer in Europe, so
much more did the German Powers show themselves indisposed
to make any concessions.

The protocol of the 20th December, which sanctioned the
independence of Belgium, naturally brought forth the most
grievous complaints from the Hague. The King of the Nether-
lands sent a most vehement protest against our decision. It
cannot be denied that he had some just grounds for complaint,
when it is remembered that the Belgian provinces were ceded to
him in 18 14 in exchange for the Dutch Colonies, of which
England had taken possession. But it was for England to get
out of that awkward corner ; as for me, I had only to procure
the admission of one point and that was, that the kingdom of
the Netherlands having been formed out of hatred to, and as a
threat against, France, it was now proved that this piece of work
had had its day, and could no longer be allowed to exist. The
Conference received the protest of the King of the Netherlands,
made no reply to it whatever, and continued its labours for the
consolidation of the independence of Belgium, fully determined
to carry them through without the concurrence of the King of
the Netherlands, should he persist in his opposition.

I believe I have already stated, that before the assembly of
the conference of the five Powers to regulate the affairs of
Belgium, there was another conference in London, composed of
the representatives of France, Great Britain, and Russia, which
was occupied in arranging the affairs of Greece. By virtue of
the treaty concluded between these three Powers on the 3rd
July, 1827,1 the independence of Greece had been recognised.

1 The treaty of July, 1827, was negotiated and signed in London by the Prince de
Polignac, Lord Dudley, and the Prince de Lieven. The three Powers undertook to
offer their mediation to both parties, and obtain the adoption of an arrangement on
the following bases : the Greeks to be dependent on the Sultan as on a Suzerain Lord ;
they will pay him an annual tribute ; they will be governed by Civil authorities, whom

300 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLE YRAND.

Since the conclusion of this treaty, there had been numerous
tedious negotiations in order to obtain, first, the consent of the
Ottoman Porte to this dismemberment of its empire ; secondly,
the recognition by the other Powers of this new state, which for
more than a year had been temporarily governed by Count Capo
d'Istria. The three protective powers of Greece had at first been
zealously occupied in consolidating the independence they had
succeeded in procuring ; but latterly this zeal had somewhat
abated, partly owing to the obstacles introduced into the negotia-
tions by Russia, who now perceived that the independence of
Greece did not insure her the advantages she had anticipated,
and partly to the events which had lately occurred in France,
and which had greatly disturbed all the Cabinets.

It nevertheless became important to put an end to the
uncertainty which still existed as to the ultimate fate of Greece ;
consequently the three Powers were again called together in
conference, and we had our first meeting in the end of December,
1830.

Before speaking of this sitting, it will be well to recall briefly
the facts which were to form the subject of our deliberations.

The treaty of the 3rd July, 1827, had arranged the bases ot
the independence of Greece ; it settled the boundaries of the new
state ; its relations with Turkey ; the constitution that would

govern it And the three protective Powers, while.

reserving to themselves the right of nominating the prince who
would be called on to govern Greece, had provisionally author-
ized Count Capo d'Istria (whom the Greeks had asked for)
to administer the government of that country. 1

As soon as the conditions of the treaty became known in
Greece, complaints arose as to the boundary lines laid down for
the new state. Count Capo d'Istria at once forwarded these
complaints ; but Russia, as I have already said, had lost her
interest in Greece ; England also was not very well disposed

they themselves shall name, but in whose nomination the Porte will also have a voice.
An additional article added, that if the Porte persisted in refusing a pacific arrange-
ment, the signatory Powers would afford Greece the support of force.

^ Capo d'Istria was elected supreme head for seven years by the National
Assembly of Trezene (March 31st, 1827). He arrived in Greece in January, 1828,
and held this power for nearly four years. He was assassinated on the 6th October,
1831.

THE REVOLUTION OF 1830. 301

towards her ; the Grecian loan had been arranged in London
during the War of Independence, and the provisional govern-
ment of Greece would neither pay the interest nor even
guarantee jt. This fact, and probably also the surmise, that the
neighbourhood of Greece, independent, might prove troublesome
to the government of the Ionian Islands,i and that the mer-
cantile marine of Greece might occasion a competition injurious
to the English mercantile service, all combined to make the
cause of Greece very unpopular in England. France alone had
remained faithful to her, without any arriere pens^e. This is a
piece of justice with which the government of Charles X. must
be credited, and it deserved all the greater praise, for after the
catastrophe which overthrew the throne, the poor king only made
one reproach against his government, that of having encouraged
the revolution by recognizing the independence of Greece.

However that might be, this question of the badly defined
boundaries of Greece had, as will be seen, brought on complica-
tions of various kinds. After vnajay pourparlers, the three courts
had offered the crown of Greece to Prince Leopold of Saxe-
Coburg, the husband of the late Princess Charlotte of England,
who had accepted it. But when the conditions of this acceptance
came to be discussed. Prince Leopold declared openly that the
three Powers must guarantee him a large loan necessary for the
establishment of his government, and, above all, that better boun-
daries must be obtained for the new state. These propositions were
rejected, and Prince Leopold withdrew his acceptance. It
therefore became necessary to seek for another prince to re-
place him, and matters were at this point when the revolution of
July broke out in France. The commissioners of the three courts
in Greece seconded the entreaties of the Count Capo d'Istria by
asking that an end might be put to the precarious state in which
the country was placed, almost rent in twain by the various
factions and the ambitious views of some of its chiefs.

1 After the treaties of 1815, the Ionian Islands were under the protection of
England. They were formed on the lines of a Republic. The executive power
was vested in a Senate, the President of which was nominated by England. An
English commissioner acted as Minister of Foreign Affairs. This system continued
until 1863, when England gave up her protectorate. The islands were then handed
over to Greece.

302 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

Such was the situation, when Lord Palmerston convoked a
meeting of the Conference on the 28th December, 1830. This
is the account of the sitting that I sent to Paris :

We have this morning had a conference on Greek matters.
Lord Palmerston read aloud the last protocols, which had been
drawn up at the Conferences in which my predecessor had
taken part, and which, owing to the refusal of Prince Leopold,
had led to no results. The enlargement of Greek territory has
been agreed upon between us. This done, I wished to point out,
that as alterations were to be made in the last protocols to
which the Porte had given its acquiescence, it was better to
arrange the proposed boundary line to suit Greece, rather than
make some merely unimportant changes, and that the line
from the Gulf of Volo to that of Arta, seemed to me very
suitable. Lord Palmerston warmly supported this proposal,
giving it weight by bringing forward various powerful reasons
which he had collected from all his different correspondence.

Russia no longer shows the same interest in Greece
since she has re-established her former relations with the
Ottoman Porte,' and this makes her plenipotentiaries ex-
tremely cautious, and little disposed to do anything on their
own responsibility.

In this state of affairs, we have agreed that England should
empower Mr. Dawkins, her commissioner in Greece,^ to teW Count
Capo d'Istria confidentially, that the Greek frontier would be
improved and to ask him not to divulge these intentions of the
three courts, but to find some plausible pretext, for not carrying
out the evacuation agreed on, of the posts of Arcania and
Etolia, which were then occupied by the Greeks. While this
was being done the Russian plenipotentiaries would ask their
government for authority to sign the Acts, necessary to carry
out the improvements of the boundary line of Greece, by a con-
vention, made to work smoothly by means of a certain sum of
money, this sum to be taken from the loan which will be
guaranteed by the three Powers.

If the Ottoman Porte agrees to these changes, the boundary
commissioners will all have similar duties to carry out. It will
therefore be important that the French commissioner should
proceed there quickly, and take part in all the work that will
be done, so that the Greeks may fully understand that France
defends her interests.

' Treaty of peace of Adrianople (14th September, 1829).
- Suppressed in the text of tlie archives.

THE REVOLUTION OF 1830. 303

I pray you to confirm the powers given to my predecessor
or to grant me new ones, if you have any other project as to
the choice of a sovereign for Greece ; but if you insist, as it
seems to me the other Powers are inclined to do, on nomin-
ating one of the sons of the King of Bavaria, it would be
important, that the administration of the kingdom should be
left with Count Capo d'Istria, and even to beg him, as his
health is not strong, to suggest a scheme of regency.

You will probably recollect that the government under-
took by an Act 3rd May, 1830, to guarantee a loan of sixty
millions agreed on by Art. IV. of the Protocol of 20th February,
1830.

I request your commands as to this matter.

Receive ....

I wrote again two days later on the same subject :

In my despatch of the day before yesterday, I sent you
the result of my last conference on the affairs of Greece with
Lord Palmerston and the Prince de Lieven.

The conversations I have since had on this subject with the
English ministers, have shown me, that the choice by their
government of a sovereign for the new Greek state was fixed
on Prince Otto of Bavaria. We must therefore no longer look
upon this resolution of the London Cabinet as a project, but as
a point which is almost settled ; but my predecessor was
authorized to give his adhesion to it. In a correspondence that
took place with the King of Bavaria, matters had gone so far as
asking what income he was prepared to give his son in order
that when he first went to Greece, he should not find himself
dependent on the country. . . .

I will return later on to this Greek question when events
bring us back to it. At the point at which we had arrived, it
seemed less important to think of the prince who should govern
Greece, than of him who should be chosen to govern the Belgian
provinces ; for on the choice of this latter, depended the
pacification of the revolutionary party in Belgium and even in
France, and, consequently, the peace of Europe.

It has already been seen that the name of Prince Leopold
of Saxe-Coburg has been brought forward. Lord Ponsonby
had supported it with the Diplomatic Committee of the Congress

304 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

of Brussels/ which meant that it had been approved of by the
Enghsh Cabinet, and I was enabled to assure myself of this in
conversations with Lord Grey and Lord Palmerston. The
President of the Belgian Diplomatic Committee, Mons. Van de
Weyer, was then en route for Paris and London, where he was
commissioned to obtain the consent of Prince Leopold.

This prince had addressed himself to me direct, and I had
hastened to assure him, that for my part I should be very well
pleased if his candidature was successful.

In truth I knew of no other Prince in Europe who was so
well suited as he was, for such a delicate and complicated
position.

I had had the opportunity uf becoming acquainted with him
at the Congress of Vienna, where he had shown great intelli-
gence and loyalty, and had supported the interests of the King
of Saxony against Prussia and Russia ; and I remembered the
firmness and boldness with which he then resisted the cajoleries,
as well as the threats of the Emperor Alexander, though he had
served for some years in the Russian army. Prince Leopold as
King of Belgium, and married to a French princess, seemed to
me the best possible choice that could be made, to solve the
difficulties with which we had to contend. Time has proved
that in this I was not mistaken.

But this choice completely upset the calculations of some
conspirators in Brussels, who wished to unite their personal
interests to those of the French Government, and who sought
to drag it into their intrigues. They commenced by bruiting
abroad the project of choosing Prince Leopold, which had been
communicated confidentially (as I have already stated) to the
Diplomatic Committee of Brussels. M. de Celles, who was a
member of this committee, had hastened to write to his friends in
Paris, with the result, that some members of the extreme left of
the Chamber of Deputies, at once made use of this project, for
the purpose of making an attack on the French Government ;
with what effect will be seen by the following letter :

^ The Diplomatic Committee had been appointed by the provisional government
on the 20th November to expedite affairs. It was composed of M. Van de Weyer,
President Comte de Celles, Comte D'Arschot, and MM. Destriveaux and
Nothomb.

THE REVOLUTION OF 1830. 305

General Sebastian: to the Prince de Talleyrand.

Paris, December 30M, 1830.

MoN Prince,

The discussion which has taken place in the Chamber in
consequence of the late disturbances, has just terminated. It
has removed the general distrust, which was the real danger of
our position. Order has been completely restored, for people's
minds have again become tranquil and everything leads us to
hope that the labours of the government will no longer be
impeded by the vexatious incidents that irritation and dis-
quietude daily brought to light.

Questions of foreign policy were debated in the Chamber
during this discussion. They were therefore brought under the
influence of the preoccupation and prejudice, which the position
of home affairs must inevitably have caused. The Belgian question
occupied the greater part of the sitting of yesterday and also of
to-day. The king's ministers were very reserved and cautious,
but this did not prevent their showing frankly and positively,
that their intentions were wholly pacific and far removed from
propagandism.

The Prince of Coburg was violently attacked, yesterday
by M. Mauguin, and to-day by General Lamarque. This storm
which broke out in the Chamber was caused by the newspapers,
and, also it must be admitted, by public opinion. The king, who
has a sincere friendship for the Prince of Coburg, is the more vexed,
as he sees the impossibility of leading the public mind back to
this view.

It will therefore be neccessary to look elsewhere for another
Prince, who will be acceptable both to Belgium, France, and
Europe ; and this is not the least of the difficulties that you
■have to solve.

The Belgians as a nation would wish either that their country
should be re-united to France, or that the Due de Nemours
were called upon to reign over them. In order to obtain this im-
portant result, they will willingly consent that Antwerp shall
become a free town, and they would perhaps even add Ostend
also. In the reunion of Belgium, or in the choice of the Due de
Nemours, France would find a just reparation for the past, and
a prospect of peace for the future. This arrangement would, in
fact, become a pledge of peace to Europe. Nevertheless we
should not wish, in order to arrive at this, to place ourselves in
such violent opposition, as would oblige us to make war against
the whole of Europe, and overthrow all social order, which is

VOL. III. X

3o6 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

already trembling in the balance. Notwithstanding this, the
idea of a political system, which would be so satisfactory to us
and the other states, must, with all its greatness and all its truth,
recommend itself to your intelligence, mon Prince. If we must
abandon it, the sacrifice will be all the more painful, that no
thought of ambition has interfered to mar its purity.

We cannot conceal from ourselves that in the exclusion of
the House of Nassau, Belgium has included all the other
Protestant houses as well as the German dynasties, excepting
Bavaria and Saxony. But a Bavarian Prince (when the head of
that house possesses Landau, which is a dismembered portion of
France), could not be received with any pleasure here. The
brother of the King of Naples, a young prince of nineteen years
of age, who shows great intelligence and has a fine character,
would probably be the one whose elevation would meet with the
least opposition in the minds of the French nation. It is to you,
mon Prince, that the high mission has been entrusted, of solving
so delicate a question in a manner conformable to the dignity
and interests of our country. The king awaits j'our answer
with a degree of impatience that you will easily understand.
Your experience, your consummate wisdom, will enlighten us as
to what it is possible to do to gain the consent of the great
Powers. Would England still adhere to the ways of a narrow
and jealous policy } Her government, so enlightened as it now
is, could it not throw this aside, and only see in this arrangement
for Belgium, a combination for the purpose of preventing war
for a long term of years, and allowing reason to extend her empire
in Europe .'

The king has this morning seen M. Gendebien.^ He
spoke to him with a touching frankness, and did not conceal
from him that his policy should never be accused of bad faith,
and that he would carry out all the engagements he had entered
into with the Powers not to turn the revolution in Belgium to
his own advantage. He has, therefore, refused the proposal of
the re-union, as well as that of the elevation of his son. As for
the rest, mon Prince, Europe is more interested than we are in
the elimination of this cause of war, which constantly and aggres-
sively crops up. We trust that the issue may be satisfactory.
Accept ...

Horace Sebastiani.

' Jean Fran9ois Gendebien, horn in 1753, Deputy of Hainault, and President at
the Congress of Berlin in 1770. After its union with France, he was elected one of
the Five Hundred, and also member of the Legislative Assembly. After 1S15 he took
his seat in the States-General of the Netherlands. In 1830 he was elected President
of the Belgian Congress. Later on he was made President of tire Tribunal of Mons,
and died in 1838.

THE REVOLUTION OF 1830. 30;

Simultaneously with the receipt of this letter, M. Bresson,
the French Commissioner of the Conference at Brussels, wrote
to me as follows : —

Brussels, December ^ist, 1830.

MoN Prince,

My anxieties increase as to the state of this country.
The King of Holland, by closing the Scheldt, has upset all the
plans of the Conference. Disorder, anarchy, and civil war are
at our very door. I do not know what to advise, but it is only
a powerful mind and strong measures, that can turn aside the
storm which is rapidly growing darker. A French Prince is im-
possible, he would certainly entail war ; and yet, perhaps, it is
only by some concession of this kind that the turbulence of the
Belgians will be restrained. What to say ! — How to act ! — the
solution is quite beyond my powers.

Lord Ponsonby maintains that matters are more hopeful than
I think. I trust, with all my heart, that he is not mistaken ; but
then his country has not so much at stake as we have, and it is
therefore natural that our anxiety should be greater.
Pray accept

It will be seen that the horizon had become greatly obscured
at Brussels, owing to the intrigues of M. de Celles and his
friends, who had even succeeded in winning over General
Sebastiani to their views. The letter which has already been
given, proves that he had entered into their intrigues, and that
his judgment, ordinarily sound and clear, had become warped
by the false information he had received. In any case, no one
but a madman could for a moment imagine, that the great
Powers would ever have consented to the re-union of Belgium
with France ; or, what comes to the same, the elevation of the
Due de Nemours to the throne of Belgium, without a desperate
war, in which France by herself, would have to prove victorious
over four other Powers.

I have already several times spoken of M. de Celles without
explaining who he was, or how he had been able to acquire a
sort of influence both in Belgium and at Paris. The Comte de
Celles, descended from a noble Belgian family, was still quite
young at the time of the conquest of Belgium by the French
Republic, but he had contrived to distinguish himself then

X 2

3o8 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

by the licentiousness of his life and excesses of every kind.
He was among the first of the Belgians who rallied round the
imperial system of Napoleon, who first appointed him to the
State Council, and then made him successively Pr^fet of Nantes
and of Amsterdam. He won for himself the execration of the
Dutch, as much by the excessive rigour with which he carried
out the severest measures of the imperial rule, as by the
cynicism of his conduct and his habits. After the fall of the
Empire he remained in obscurity for several years ; he was then
elected Member of the Chamber of the Netherlands, where he
sat with the opposition. Later on, on his return from a journey
to Rome, he approached the King of the Netherlands, who at
that time was somewhat troubled in his relations with the Court
of Rome. He succeeded in persuading that Sovereign that no
one could so effectually serve him at the Pontifical Court as
himself, and boasting that his atheistic and philosophical views
prevented his being made a dupe, while his wife through her
piety had gained great credit at that court. The King of the
Netherlands thereupon appointed him Ambassador to the Holy
See, and, as a fact, a few months later, M. de Celles concluded a
concordat, which however did not fulfil the king's expectations,
and even became the source of all the religious discussions in
Belgium, and of the discontent of the Belgian Catholics with the
King of the Netherlands.^ M. de Celles had again taken his
seat in the second Chamber, but he had fallen equally into dis-
repute with the Dutch for his past conduct, and with the Belgian
Catholcis, who accused him of having tried to betray their
interests, for those of the king. This was M. de Celles' position
at the time of the revolution of 1830. He was one of the first

^ This concordat was signed on the 18th of June, 1827, during the Pontificate of
Leo XII. It declared that the (;oK«>-rfa/ of i8oi, signed by Pius VII. and the first
Consul, would remain in force in the southern provinces of the kingdom, and would
be also applicable to the northern provinces with the following modifications : — Each
diocese shall have its own chapter and seminary. When a vacancy to an episcopal
see has to be filled, the chapter shall present a list of the candidates, who must be
approved of by the king. This approval gained, the chapter can choose any one it
likes from this list. The election shall then be submitted to the Pope for canonical
sanction. The Pope completed these provisions by apostolic letters, in which he
reserved to himself the right of appointing the pastors to the Belgian churches. The
bishops might take the oath to the king, but they were to choose their own grand
vicars, as well as all the curh, and would have full authority over the seminaries.
Lastly all the clergy were to receive an endowment from the Crown.

THE REVOLUTION OF \Zio. 309

who joined fhis revolution, and having been elected a member
of the National Congress by the Liberal party, he was no-
minated as Vice-President of the Diplomatic Committee, which
had to decide all questions concerning the foreign relations of
Belgium.

M. de Celles had married the daughter of General Vallence,
who had married a daughter of Mdme. de Genlis. Mdme. de
Celles' sister was married to Marshal G^rard,who had been made
War Minister after the revolution of July. Mdme. de Genlis'
other daughter, the Marquise de Laevestine, married to a
Belgian, had left a son, who had distinguished himself as one of
the leaders of the Buonapartist party in France.

It will be seen what great influence this relationship gave M.
de Celles, through Mdme. de Genlis, with the Palais Royale, and
through Marshal Gdrard with the government. It was by these
means that he intrigued and plotted, to secure the re-union of
Belgium with France, or at any rate, the sovereignty to the Due
de Nemours, with the idea, that such a result would give him an
influential position in France, and would withdraw him from
Belgium, where he felt he had fallen into disrepute.

I have, perhaps, dwelt too long on this very uninteresting
person, but this digression was necessary in order to expose
the hot-bed of intrigue which impeded the progress of our affairs
in England.

It was under these very unfavourable auspices that the year
1830 closed ; a year made memorable by the events which
marked its course.

APPENDIX.

In this Appendix a certain number of letters have been inserted,
relating to the events of 1830 — 1831, taken from the papers of M. de
Talleyrand, which, although not included by him in the text of his Memoirs,
nevertheless seemed to possess a certain historical and documentary
interest. All these letters have been copied literally from the autograph
text of the Prince and his correspondents.

In particular, letters will be found from M. de Talleyrand to Madame
Adelaide and Madame de Vauddmont. In fact it is v?ell-known that he
carried on a close correspondence with the sister of King Louis Philippe, in
which he kept her well informed, as to the various phases of the negotiations
which were being carried on in London. These letters were then submitted
to the King. They were strictly confidential, and entirely distinct from the
Ambassador's official correspondence with the Cabinet.

As for the letters to Madame de Vauddmont, a very old and intimate
friend of M. de Talleyrand, they were likewise, for the most part, communi-
cated to the Royal family, which renders them all the more important.

No. I.— The Prince de Talleyrand to the Princess de
Vaudemont.

Valen^ay, Jl/aj' 20M, 1830.

1 H.AVE read the famous proclamation ! ^ and I see that by it every one's
arrangements for the summer have been upset ! Up to now, it only strikes
me as 3. coup if ciai aga.mst country house visiting ; perhaps, later on, some-
thing more may come of it.

The expedition to Algiers is rather a piece of folly, which may perhaps
lead to very grave results. Also, why does not the English Government,
which is ready to interfere in the formation of a Brazilian ^ constitution,
interfere in the formation of a Ministry at Paris? That would surely be a
benefit to all the world. Indeed, under present circumstances, I believe it
would be most important ; for then, closely allied with England, v/e could
hold whatever language we pleased, and all small, insignificant opposition

1 The proelamation of May i6Eh, dissolving the Chamber of Deputies.

- I'his is an allusion to the policy of the Wellington Ministry, which, more or less openly, supporled
Doni Miguel against his brother Dom Pedro, Emperor of Brazil.

APPENDIX. 311

would cease. I know well that it is not pleasant to have to submit to the
will of another, but if that other does not know what he wants, then it
becomes insupportable.

We must trust that foreign aifairs will not become more complicated, but
with such a Ministry, can one be sure of anything ? Everything is done in a
reckless manner, and the results of this folly may produce serious embarrass-
ment. If this Algerian enterprise is an expedient with the view to facilitate
some home matters, they will find themselves greatly mistaken. Much
simpler means were at hand : the taxes should have been reduced. Since
the time of the Emperor's Government, they have increased by more than two
hundred millions ; while in England, during the same period, they have
diminished by four hundred million francs. But these are the reflections of
a veritable rustic ! I will at least not make them lengthy, and will therefore
conclude. Adieu.

No. 2. — The Prince de Talleyrand to the Princess de
Vaud^mont.

Valen9ay,/««« wth, 1830.

As some one is leaving here for Paris, I take the opportunity of sending
you a few lines.

The decisive moment approaches / I can see neither compass nor pilot,
and nothing to prevent a shipwreck : this it is which disquiets every one and
people of every class.

The death of the King of England is a momentous event. Everything
seems to become more complicated, and we have neither a head to guide,
nor scissors to cut the knot. Morally and physically, it is a year of storms :
here, during the last week, there have been at least two each day. This
however has not prevented the Archbishop and the Prefet from taking long
and charming drives.

Will England keep her present Ministry ? It will be well if she does not
change. When a country like ours is so far from being quiet, it is all the
more important that the others should remain firm.

No. 3. — The Comte Mol^ to the Prince de Talleyrand.

Paris, October ist, 1830.

.... In your letter of the 27th, mon Prince, you tell me that you
have had your first interview with Lord Aberdeen, and subsequently with
the Duke of Wellington. I looked eagerly, I must confess, for the word
Belgium, but was surprised not to find it anywhere. The events which are
pressing' forward in this country, seem to make it imperative that we should
be explicit, one with another. I should like much to have heard from you
how you found your two interlocutors disposed, with regard to this matter.
The following are the views we hold here, with which yours will assuredly
accord.

As long as the struggle between the King of the Netherlands and that
portion of his subjects continues, we shall keep within the limits of the
strictest neutrality ; we shall steadfastly reject all overtures from the Belgians

312 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

whicli tend towards their joining us ; but, should they prove the stronger in
this struggle, and succeed in making themselves independent, we will not
allow any government to be imposed upon them by force of arms. If it is
desired that this important question should at once be brought within the
scope of the negotiations, we shall be quite wiUing, and we will honestly
endeavour, in concert with the other Cabinets, to find a solution for it,
which, while protecting the interests of every one, might be voluntarily
accepted by Belgium. Think over this carefully, ?«o?2 PrzVzir^y you, better
than any one else, wiU know how to solve this problem, and hit upon
some arrangement which will satisfy that principle of national independence,
which our existence is interested in making respected, and at the same time
insure general peace, instead of destroying it.

Our Minister, Bertin de Veaux ^ leaves to-morrow for the Hague, with
instructions drawn up in this spirit. In order to avoid giving umbrage as much
as possible, he will go vid Luxemburg or Ghent, and thus give no occasion for
demonstrations, which would certainly have marked his passage through
Brussels. Finally, the provisional Government now established in Brussels
has sent a Deputy here, chosen by its members. This Deputy arrived
yesterday, but I refused to see him.

Notwithstanding the silence preserved in your letter, mon Prince, I have
no doubt that these serious matters were discussed at your conference with
the English Ministers, and that I shall soon receive a despatch from you, in-
forming me fully, how you found them disposed generally.

I may say the same respecting Portugal, concerning which Lord Stuart
has made me a very important communication : I will shortly write more
fully on this matter, and hope I shall before then have received more
particulars from you, as to the line the English Cabinet desires to take.

Accept, mon Prince, the renewed assurances of my high esteem and
unalterable attachment.

MolI

No. 4. — The Prince de Talleyrand to Madame Adelaide.

London, October 2nd, 1830.

Mademoiselle has commanded me to write to her : I obey.

The crossing was very bad, but two hours after I thought no more
about it.

At first sight, London struck me as being much handsomer than when I
left it ; several parts are entirely new — Mademoiselle would hardly recognize
it. The population has increased immensely ; there are now fifteen hundred
thousand souls — if one can thus designate the selfish egotists who live here.
To my great surprise, I found fairly bright sunshine here on the 24th of
September ; the Ministers took advantage of it to leave town and go into
the country. I wish ours, and especially the King, might sometimes do the
same.

Charles X. is to quit the seaside ; he has accepted the magnificent
mansion of Lord Arundel, which is about fifty miles inland. The English
Government hinted to him, that by residing so close to the seashore, he gave
a pretext to numerous intriguers to make out, by frequent crossings, that they
were intrusted with commissions which they had never received. The Duke

1 Louis Francois Bertin de Veaux, brother of the founder of the /(7ar«(i/t^« ZJ^^ai'j- (1771-1842).
He was elected deputy in 1820, and became peer of France in 1832. In 1830 he accepted a mission
to the Hague, but returned soon after to Pans.

APPENDIX. 313

of Wellington gave me these few details. The English Government is
thoroughly loyal in this matter.

Charles X. has written to Vienna to ask for permission to reside in the
hereditary States ; it is not yet known what answer has been sent him.

I think the Duke is now quite convinced that the movement of the
French in July was not due to any one person, but that it was entirely
caused by the state of general dissatisfaction ; that there was no single
intrigue ; that M. le Due d'OrMans was forced to become Lieut-General of
the Kingdom, and subsequently to accept the crown ; that in so doing he
had fulfilled a duty ; and that in fulfilling this duty he has rendered an
essential service to the whole of Europe.

The King has many admirers here, and many persons who love him ;
his praises are in every one's mouth

The desire of all our political partisans is, that the Ministry should
remain in, and that the Chambers should not be dissolved. This opinion I
have gathered from our warmest friends here

I am not kept sufficiently informed respecting news from Belgium.
Whatever I learn of this matter, I always hear from the English Cabinet.

No. 5. — The Comte Mol£ to the Prince de Talleyrand.

Paris, October \th, 1830.

Prince,

You ask me for news by telegraph, and I ask you what is happening in
London. Your letter of the 1st of October, which I have this instant received,
leaves me still in complete ignorance on this head. The King desires me to
tell you that he yesterday heard privately, that England had sent a negative
reply to the demand of the King of the Netherlands for assistance.

After your two conferences with the Duke of Wellington and Lord
Aberdeen, you would have a right to complain if the English Government
has kept this fact hidden from you ; yet the King can hardly believe that
the reply can have been communicated to you, since you have said nothing
to us about it.

I do not know either, whether the English Cabinet has also left you in
ignorance as to its intentions regarding Portugal, but Lord Stuart made a
most important communication to me three days ago on this subject, of which
I should be much surprised to find you had heard nothing in London.

You win assuredly, mon Prince, see the necessity which obliges me to
ask you for an entirely different style of correspondence. Hitherto you
have kept me in complete ignorance as to the intentions of the London
Cabinet, and your communications with it, a state of affairs that cannot but
prove injurious to the business and interests with which you and I have been
intrusted.

Accept the renewed assurances of my great consideration and attachment.

Mol£

No. 6. — The Prince de Talleyrand to Madame Adelaide.

London, October 7th, 1830.

Mademoiselle must, I think, be struck with the improvement in our
position, for the news from France seems to me all that one could wish for in
home matters, while foreign affairs, regarded from this distance, also appear

314 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

to me to be proceeding as the King would desire ; they improve each day.
His Ambassador enjoys an amount of consideration here never accorded to
those of Charles X. Attentions are lavished on the Embassy from all sides.
The on dits, which circulate so freely in London clubs and drawing-rooms,
both on small and great matters, are all of a nature to prove that we have
taken the right course, both as regards business and society. The Belgian
question is on the road it ought to be, to avoid a war. Each day it pro-
gresses further in this direction, but if we were to endeavour to unduly
hasten the operations of the English Cabinet, if time were not given to
round the sharp angles, we should, I think, not do such good work. In this
respect I find foreign affairs rather too hurried.

These are all the observations that time and reflection have enabled me
to make. Prussia and Austria have placed themselves under English in-
fluence and guidance in all the Belgian complications, and this influence is
all in favour of the preservation of peace. I look upon this as a benefit which
we owe entirely to time. It was necessary to allow it to take proper effect, to
let people recover from their first surprise ; it was necessary to efface some
prejudices ; and above aU was it necessary to give our Government time
to reassure by its acts the foreign Powers, who were quite ready to believe
that we were on the verge of anarchy. Not a single step could have been
made without endless trouble, if taken in opposition to the excited feeling of
the clubs. Now matters are on the footing they ought to be, and I think
here we have done what would best suit the French Government, by inducing
England to bring forward sensible proposals. It seemed to me that had
we taken the initiative, we should not have been such free agents, and I
regret that they have thought differently in Paris.

I discerned somewhat of youthful indiscretion in the step taken by M.
Mold towards the Duke of Wellington, and which I only heard of from the
latter ; he has thereby exposed himself to finding that the detennination of
which it was the object had already been taken two days ago. However,
it is done, and it is no use going over what is past and cannot be undone.

My presentation took place yesterday. I have every reason to be
satisfied with it and the address, which Mademoiselle knows has been
greatly approved even by the King's immediate surroundings. I trust it will
give satisfaction in France. Speaking in the name of our King and of
France, I found that I spoke as if in my place in the Constituent Assembly.

Mademoiselle will, I trust, now permit me to leave her for the sunshine,
which is so rare here, and which I will go and enjoy for a few moments.

P.S. — I inclose for Mademoiselle's private information a copy of a letter
I have to-day sent to M. Mold It is quite a private letter, written purposely
with the object of putting an end to some tendency to irritation, which I
always try to avoid.'

No. 7. — Madame Adelaide to the Prince de Talleyrand.

Paris, October %th, 1830.

.... The remarks made by the Duke of Wellington as to the incon-
venience of Charles X. residing near the coast is quite true. There is no
doubt that there are constant goings backwards and forwards which can lead
to no good. I am very glad that the Duke at last views our grand and

1 See this letter, page 238.

APPENDIX. 31S

splendid Revolution more fairly, and likewise the noble and loyal conduct of
my beloved brother. Here matters are very satisfactory, and become
stronger and more consolidated every day. I think there could not be any-
thing more generous and touching than the petition of the wounded,
begging the Chamber of Deputies to abolish the punishment of death for
political offences. It is doubtful whether this measure will be passed at once,
but I hope it will be carried out.

M. de Montesquieu^ arrived here yesterday at four o'clock from Naples,
bringing the recognition and credentials from the King of Naples to Prince
de Castelsicala,^ and those of the Pope to the Nuncio. I am delighted
that this latter arrived so quickly ; it will quite smooth away the anxieties
and difficulties of the clergy, at least it will no longer leave any excuse. We
also expect Athalin every moment. His last letter was dated the 1 8th of
September. He was enchanted with the Emperor, who had been most kind

to him The Belgian affairs have troubled us greatly, but

fortunately from what I have heard it seems to me that they are quieting
down a little, and that happily (which I hope with all my heart) the general
peace will not be disturbed.

You complain that you are not kept sufficiently informed as to news from
Belgium. Though I do not wish that my correspondence with you should in
any way be a political one, I must tell you in confidence, both in your own
interest and in that of the matter which we are so anxious to see progress
satisfactorily, that here complaints are also made of want of sufficient
detail in your despatches, and that you do not keep them here sufficiently au
fait of what happens in London. This is between you and me, and I ask
you to let it remain so. I feel sure that you will do justice to my motive in
telling you of it.

No. 8.— The Prince de Talleyrand to Madame Adelaide.

October isth, 1830.

.... THEforeignMinisterscontinueinthesamefriendly relations with us
at the conferences. Whatever the Duke of Wellington proposes or maintains
is always adopted by them. I think it is most important for us that he
should be kept at the head of affairs as long as possible, at any rate until the
fate of Belgium is decided ; for we cannot conceal from ourselves that
Russia tries to thwart all our efforts with those Courts over which she has
any influence. The language of M. de Matusiewicz has therefore changed
somewhat now. M. de Lieven will arrive here in a few days. Madame de
Lieven, who has been very distant to the Duke since Mr. Canning has been
Minister, now tries to approach him again.

The majority or minority of votes on Mr. Brougham's motion in the
coming session is, I think, of very great importance ; you will be informed of
it as soon as it is over, but probably Rothschild will already have had his
courier. The English Cabinet always obtain their information by him ten,
or twelve hours before the arrival of Lord Stuart's despatches, and this is
not to be wondered at, seeing that the vessels which carry Rothschild's cou-
riers belong to that firm, they take no passengers, and start at all hours

1 The Comte de Montesquieu had been commissioned to malce the new French Government
known to the Courts of Naples and of Rome.

2 Ambassador to the King of the Two Sicilies in Paris. He had held that post since 1814, having
previously been Ambassador in London in 1796, and President of the State Junta, created by the
Minister Acton.

3l6 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

No. 9. — The Prince de Talleyrand to the Princess de Vaudemont.

London, October x^th, 1830.

I am sending this to you by M. de la Rochefoucauld,^ who, to my great
regret, is leaving us. He is an excellent young fellow, a fine character, and
of good abihties, and I wish him all possible success. It is for this reason
that I want him to go to Berlin as First Secretary', for that will advance him
in his career ; but if he does not go there, he would like (and so should I) to
return to London.

I am perfectly satisfied as to the frankness and loyalty of the Enghsh
Cabinet here, and particularly so with the Duke of Wellington. One can
and one must, be open with him, if one ever hopes to effect anything real
and solid. That is what we need ; whether it be popular or not, it is what
we require, for it is only in this way that we shall thoroughly establish our
new dynasty. I am giving you here my firm conviction ; it is the only pos-
sible means, and I earnestly desire that both the King and Mademoiselle
may be convinced of it. As for Mol^, that is a matter of utter indifference to
me : when he once finds that it is to his own interest, he will quickly follow
that line

I was in the country yesterday, at Lady Jersey's, who has a house you
would like immensely ; it is beautiful, decorated in thorough good taste, and
full of the rarest and most lovely antiques. The Duke was also there. He
was very well, and whatever they may tell you in Paris, he is, and will
remain, the master. Adieu.

No. 10.— The Prince de Talleyrand to the Princess de
Vaudemont.

London, October igth, 1830.

I have just returned from the country ; I took advantage of the splendid
sunshine we have here just now, to go to Lady Jersey's. The Duke also went,
and when he is not in London, the presence of the Ambassadors is not de
rigueur. Matusiewicz was also there.

You have at last obtained the recognition of St. Petersburg. I believe
that Pozzo would have liked it to have been the first to reach us, but the
delay has not done us any harm.

I presume that in M. Mold's Cabinet, England is not greatly in favour :
it was Pozzo who made him Minister. I believe, however, that he wiU use his
influence to strengthen the establishment of our Government. Pozzo is a
man of sense, and would have much liked that the conferences which will
decide the fate of Belgium should be held in Paris. The Duke of WeHington
particularly wishes to have them here, and he is right ; the Ministers here
are under his influence, and the Duke's name in Europe is rather different
from that of Pozzo and Mold. We shall therefore, I hope, finish this great
business in a fortnight, or even less. If it turns out badly it will embroil all
Europe ; for we must not conceal from ourselves that it is England which
has decided the recognition of St. Petersburg. However, I do not meddle

^ Comte Hyppolyte de la Rochefoucauld, Second Secretary in London, had just been made First
Secretary at Berlin.

APPENDIX. 317

with it, for it might appear as if I was interested in it, but S is there

ready to utter plain and unvarnished truths on this matter.

In a word, if the conferences were held in Paris, Pozzo would have had
the upper hand ; if they take place here, it will be the Duke of Wellington,
who is more interested than any one, in establishing a good order of things
in Belgium. Adieu. I pray you to read this letter, and then to bum it.
My firm conviction is (and it is this which decides my view) that this g^eat
question should be settled here.

No. II. — The Prince de Talleyrand to the Princess de
Vaudi^mont.

London, October 2.2nd, 1830.

The Duke of Wellington, dear friend, understands our Revolution as it
ought to be understood. For some time past the proceedings of the Govern-
ment of that unfortunate Charles X. made him foresee a catastrophe ; there-
fore it did not surprise him. His opinions now are just as far removed from
those of the Carlists as they are from those of the Republicans ; and if we
do nothing foolish, and do not seek for the impossible, he will do his utmost
to establish a dynasty. From this may result either peace or war, for the
sentiments of England towards us will decide those of Europe, and we shall
commit a grave error by seeking support elsewhere.

No. 12.— The Prince de Talleyrand to Madame Adelaide.

October 2()th, 1830.

It is possible that I have not sufficiently repeated in detail the conver-
sations I may have had with the English Ministry, but I pray Mademoiselle
to recall a maxim given me by the Emperor Napoleon, and which I have
found infallible during a period of fifteen years. He considered conversa-
tional ambassadors (it was thus he described them) as very inferior, be-
cause, he said, their conversations were always more or less manufactured,
by the wish to please their own Governments, and they were therefore of no
value, and taught nothing. He only prized those who transmitted nothing
to their Governments but the general impression they had received, and this
he believed in, more or less, according to the intelligence possessed by him
who wrote.

No. 13. — The Duchesse de Dino to Madame Adelaide.

November 2nd, 1830.

I have this moment returned from the Royal ceremonial. Madame will
read the speech, but what I must write to tell you is, that when the carriage of
the French Ambassador appeared, the vivas, the hurrahs, the " Louis Philippe
for ever, no Charles X." commenced and continued all the way from the
House of Lords up to Bond Street. There were also a good many " Viva

3i8 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

Prince Talleyrand ! " and when I returned, the servants wearing the tricolour
cockade, the people shouted " A French lady ! " and I was saluted, and loud
cries of Viva sounded all the way home. All the Princes of the Royal
family who were present in the hall, came to ask for news of our King, of
Mademoiselle, and of the Queen, and to inquire with anxiety (I must say it)
if our Ministry had changed. The King had had a chair prepared for M. de
Talleyrand near him, that he might be seated ; but this kindness was not
accepted by M. de Talleyrand, who remained standing all the time in the
Diplomatic Gallery.

The enthusiasm of the people for the King was very demonstrative ; he
must have been well satisfied with his day. I must beg Madame's pardon
for a postscript which is longer than the letter itself, but I thought that the
details of this morning might be of some interest.

DUCHESSE DE DiNO.

No. 14. — The Prince de Talleyrand to Madame Adelaide.

Noveinber loth., 1830.

London is pretty quiet just now ; there are still a few people left here and
there in town, but the rush and excitement is over. The Duke attended the
King's leviie this morning, where I met him ; he seemed very -placid, and
replied as I desired, to the request I made him, to continue our conferences,
which had been interrupted for a few days. I believe he will propose that
we shall meet to-morrow at two o'clock.

When it became known, the day before yesterday, that there would be no
dinner in the City, the Marquis of Wellesley ' said out loud in the House of
Lords, " This is the boldest act of cowardice I ever heard of" Mademoiselle
will consider that this is more clever than kind.

Nothing special will be done in Ministerial affairs before December i6th.
The Opposition will set all their machinery in motion. The Duke has
perfect confidence in his position ; and thinks he will have a majority
against Mr. Brougham's motion. In six days this great struggle will be
decided. I have not, nor has any one else, an idea as to the result of this
sitting, for there are a great many new members whose opinions are not
yet known. . . .

No. 15. — The Prince de Talleyrand to Madame Adelaide.

November i^th, 1830.

The Ministry will be known to-morrow. Here are the names of those
whom I believe to be certain this evening (here follows the list given on page
248). The Duke of Wellington has been asked to become Commander-in-
Chief, in the place of Lord Hill.^ The King has himself carried on this

1 The Marquis of Wellesley (1760-1842), eldest brother of the Duke of Wellington., formerly
Govemor-Geneial of India and Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland, was one of the most distinguished states-
men of the Whig party.

2 General Viscuunt Hill, bom in 1772, was an old soldier of the wars of the Revolution and the
Empire. He had fought principally in Egypt and in .Spain. In 1828 he was made Commander-in-
Chief of the English army, which appointment he lield till his death in 1842.

APPENDIX. 319

negotiation. I believe that Lord Grant ' has received a portfolio, but of
this I am not sure. This Government will be strong and favourable to us.
I have much friendly intercourse with the principal members who form it.
They speak quite frankly of the changes that have taken place, and are still
needed in. France ; that is the word they use. They wish that England and
France should be in accord in all the dealings they may have with the other
Powers ; they look upon the prosperity and strength of France as a necessity
to the peace of Europe, and all speak of the King with the greatest
respect. This is what Frederick Lamb told me this morning. I should like
to see him Ambassador at Paris.

All the Ambassadors, having invited the Prince of Orange to dinner, and
as he has paid his first visit to the King's Ambassador, I thought I ought to
ask him to dine with me. As invitations are sent out here eight or ten days,
beforehand, I find that I have invited the chief members of the late Ministry,
and important personages connected with the Court, who will probably send
in their resignations to-morrow : it is somewhat awkward, but ten days ago
no one had any idea of what has now happened.

.... Mademoiselle must have said something which has caused the
Embassy in London to be no longer neglected by the Ministry as it used
to be. During the last eight days I have received more and fuller
despatches, than have been sent me during the two preceding months. I
thank Mademoiselle for this. . . .

No. 16.— M. Bresson to the Prince de Talleyrand.

Brussels, November id^h, 1830.
Private.

MoN Prince,

M. de Langsdorf arrived here this morning. He brought me orders to
urge the provisional Government and the Congress to put an end to the
discussion as to the definite exclusion of the House of Nassau.

I have made persistent and fruitless efforts ; but 160 votes against 68
carried it. This will greatly complicate matters.

I will return to the question of Luxemburg. The restriction to the
declaration presents a somewhat ambiguous meaning. It would seem to
infer that Belgium claims the Grand-Duchy, while preserving her connection
with the German Confederation. The negotiations relative to the army are
progressing ; I do not think the present events will injure it. At the con-
ference last night, we settled all the principal points r the respective accept-
ance of the armistice, the line of demarcation of 1814, &c. ; thus the claim
to the whole left bank of the Scheldt and to the inclosures ^ of Limburg
have been set aside. The discussions now only have reference to the
more or less extended meaning of the Protocol of the 17th, and the
return of the prisoners. I trust soon to be able to send you a full account,
but (and there is not much cause for surprise at it) we have not yet heard
whether Holland on her side has taken steps to carry out the suspension of
hostilities. If there is any bad faith or needless delay in that quarter, all our
work here will have been in vain

I lay at the feet of Madame de Dino, and beg to offer you, mon Prince,
the homage of my respectful attachment, and my most sincere regard.

Bresson.

1 Charles Grant. Lord Glenelg, bom 1780, had been President of the Board of Trade under the
Wellington Ministry. He joined the Cabinet of Lord Grey under the India Board.

2 These inclosures referred to certain portions of land bordering the Scheldt, and inclosed in the
territory of Limbtirg. — Translator.

320 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

No. 17.— M. Bresson to the Prince de Talleyrand.

Brussels, December 2nd, 1830, 11 p.m.
Private.

Although my fingers almost refuse to hold the pen, I must communicate
to you, moti. Prince, the most important points of a despatch which I have this
evening forwarded to M. Sebastiani, in reply to one he wrote to me on the
28th of November, and which he has, no doubt, made known to you. I send
him a duplicate of the one for London to-day, together with the documents
accompanying it. It will therefore be imnecessary for you, mon Prince, to
forward it to him.

" By excluding the House of Nassau for ever from all power in Belgium,
the Congress not only annuls all its former rights to the crown, which it
might wish to put forward, but also takes from it the possibility of ever being
recalled thereto by re-election. This unfortunately is how the resolution
taken by the Congress is viewed, and how it has been announced to the
nation. Your Excellency will readily perceive how little chance there is, in
this phase of the question, of again influencing it in favour of a son of the
Prince of Orange, with one exception, which he himself interdicts. I must
say, however, that since Xhi% grand coup has been effected, doubts, regret, and
disquietude have, with the greater number of people, replaced the first feelings
of anger, and would, if the advice had been given sooner, have taken
proper effect, and many complain of having pledged and compromised
themselves too soon. It might not be impossible to utilize this return to
calmer and more temperate ideas

" There is one point I find some difficulty in speaking of,

which, nevertheless, is a fact ; that is, if the occupation of Luxemburg by the
German Confederation might seem natural and right in France, and if it
would not cause dangerous conflicts, we should not have much to complain
of, for the ten'or it would inspire here, would immensely facilitate the solu-
tion of the Belgian question in the interests of universal peace. But would
this peace be possible after the occupation of Luxemburg?

" We can count on five or six weeks before the election of

the king. This strange fancy for having a native as king, has been almost
entirely given up ; of this I can assure your Excellency.

I can also further giveyou the assurance, that if we must relinquish all hope
of making the Belgians see the great advantages and security which the
adoption of a member of the House of Nassau would afford them, we can,
at least, induce them to renounce the absurd project of balloting for a king,
and having first to solicit the assent of the Powers to another choice.

" I am also certain, from positive knowledge, that M. Van de Weyer will
proceed to Paris in a few days ; that he will then submit to your Excellency
a project of such a nature as will conciliate both French and English
interests (Prince Leopold with a French princess, or some other similar
union) ; that, after having obtained your views, he will address himself to
the London Conference and ascertain theirs. Only, in order to humour the
amour propre, always very susceptible in men and nations on their debtif,
if you do not agree to the proposal which will be made to you, perhaps you
will arrange that that which you substitute for it, instead of appearing here
as coming from you, will seem as if it emanated from the country itself.
Indeed this is an innocent subterfuge for the sake of securing so such great
a gain. . . .

" I shall recommend M. Van de Weyer to go straight to you and M. le

APPENDIX. 321

Prince de Talleyrand, so that he should not fall into the hands of those who
would ask nothing better than to lead him astray "

There, mon Prince J These are facts which it is well you should know.
I await news from you with the greatest impatience. Would that I were
near you ! Here I have some cruel moments, and the work is quite
beyond my powers.

Accept, mon Prince, all my devotion and all my respects

Bresson.

No. 18. — Madame Adelaide to the Prince de Talleyrand.

Paris, December i^th, 1830.

THElongeryour Congress delays in treating with the Belgians

and making them a proposal which they would possibly accept, the more the
difficulties increase. I always dread, from what we know of their views, and
from certain information, that after this declaration, already so vexatious,
from its exclusion of the House of Orange, they will make a second one,
which will be still more troublesome and more embarrassing to us — that of
proclaiming the Due de Nemours as their king. It is therefore necessary
that we, in concert with the other Powers, should hasten to offer them
another choice ; otherwise this fresh accession of discord will come to us
all the sooner, because those unhappy Belgians are so fatally blind as to wish
for war, instead of dreading it, and we have some misguided individuals who
are of the same opinion.

The Moniteur announces the nomination of Marshal Mortier as Ambas-
sador to Russia ; until now, the King refused to sanction this publication,
after the unpleasant behaviour, to call it nothing worse, of the Emperor of
Russia ; but he thought that, under present circumstances, he ought to make
some small personal sacrifice by giving in to the advice of his Council, who
were unanimous on the subject of announcing the nomination in the Moniteur.
Pozzo is delighted at it ; he believes that this will smooth many things
especially when joined to the proposal about to be made to the Emperor
Nicholas to send to him on a special mission, some one in whom he had, a short
time ago at least, great confidence and esteem ; you know no doubt to whom
I refer.

December 12th.

Madame de Dino having delayed her departure, I have again taken up
my letter where I left off, and during this interval how startling is the news
of the Revolution at Warsaw ! How I long to know what you think of it in
London ! Those poor Poles, sacrificed for so long a period, interest me
greatly, and I very much fear they will be overwhelmed. But the names
that are at the head of the movement lead me to hope that it is of some
magnitude. As far as we are concerned, this will certainly give us more
time.

Ah ! if Prussia and Austria would only understand their own interests,
how splendid would it be for England and ourselves, if we could obtain a
fairer and more tolerable state of things for poor, unhappy Poland ! The interest
in her is very great and very general here. The Powers are now reaping what
the Holy Alliance sowed, and if they do not wish to see and feel, that in order
to exist they must change their system, I very much fear that we shall see

VOL. III. Y

322 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

Europe in a blaze, for they will be forced into it, and therefore it is better to
prevent it ; but how can we hope that they will do this after what we have
seen ! Nevertheless, I hope much from England and from you.

It seems, according to the last letters received from Belgium, that they
are becoming wiser and more reasonable there, more inclined to enter into
pourparlers, and to agree to what is possible

I will leave off here. Madame de Dino will tell you all I have not written
about— that the removal of the Ministers to the Luxemburg passed off very
quietly ; that to-day there was a slight attempt made by some hundred
young men and others, to disturb the order of the funeral of Benjamin
Constant by shouting, when it was leaving the Temple, that he should be
conveyed to the Pantheon ; that the National Guard behaved admirably ;
that the people did not join in it at all ; and that the whole thing was over at
once. They were very soon silenced, and the body was carried to Pfere la
Chaise, without any disorder or riot. This is a good preamble to the
trials.

No. 19. — The Prince de Talleyrand to Madame Adelaide.

London, December 13/,^.

Mademoiselle will perhaps have the goodness to tell the King, that Lord
Grey and Lord Palmerston have spent a couple of days at Claremont with
Prince Leopold of Saxe-Coburg. There is no doubt that during this little
trip, which is spoken of as being required for rest,the subject of the future King
of Belgium has been discussed. This affair, and the consequences immediately
resulting from it, deserve that the King should give them his Royal attention
and fatherly forethought. Prince Leopold dines with me on the 17th. If
he should say anything to me which means more than ordinary conversation,
I will beg him to write direct to Mademoiselle. However, Prince
Leopold intends going over to Paris, either the end of this month or the
beginning of next

I would much like if Mademoiselle w^ould have the great

goodness to send a portrait of the King to the French Legation in England.
Later on I will make the same request for Valenqay. But there I could
venture to ask for a portrait of Mademoiselle.

No. 20. — The Prince de Talleyrand to Madame Adelaide.

Tuesday, December i^k, 1830.

I HAVE just had a most interesting conversation with Lord Palmerston.

" There," I said, " is the armistice all but concluded ; it seems to me that
the time has arrived to broach the important question of the future King of
Belgium."

He seemed very willing, and even quite ready, to enter into this. Many
names were suggested, but some, like that of Prince Paul of Wiirtemberg,
were not even discussed.

" Then you would not have the Archduke Charles ? " I told him that we
were forced to exclude him, and also the Due de Leucbtenberg, and that if
he liked to press me still further, I would also exclude M. de M^rode. I

APPENDIX. 323

then felt bound to tell him, " The Belgians think a great deal of M. le Due de
Nemours, but the King wishes to put aside this proposal. I do not know
whether he will succeed, but I hope so. He is, in fact, placed in a most
singular position, for he is forced to employ all the skill he possesses to
refuse that which others use in order to gain what they want."

" It would be difficult to get the other Powers to adopt M. le Due de
Nemours," replied Palmerston, "but let us try ^nd find some one else who,
by marriage, might satisfy every one."

" I consider that every one means you and us," I replied.

All this gradually worked up to Prince Leopold, who would marry one of
our princesses, and whose name Lord Palmerston himself brought forward.
I exhibited some slight astonishment, as if this idea were quite new to me, but
my astonishment rather took the form of a pleasant surprise. I had to say
that I would at once report the whole of this conversation to Paris, and we
could then soon discuss it further.

That is as far as we have got. It is quite evident that Belgium given
to Prince Leopold (who would then marry a French princess) would suit
the English perfectly. I think, if you a-pprove of this idea, that the proposal
should be made at the Conference by Lord Palmerston, and I wiU undertake
to make him do it If you think otherwise, pray give me your commands ;
I believe that whatever you think best will be done.

No. 21. — M. Bresson to the Prince de Talleyrand.

Brussels, December i^th, 1830.
Private. Midnight.

MoN Prince,

M. Van de Weyer was in Paris when the Protocol of the 20th Decem-
ber arrived there. M. le Comte Sebastiani communicated it to him. He
took fright at once, and returned here in all haste. He thought everything was
lost. If we had spoken of Luxemburg, and he said so in Paris, we had not
spoken of nothing. But M. le Comte Sebastiani has authorized him to make
known to the Congress, that the independence of Belgium had been recognized
in principle by the Congress of London, and he will announce this to-morrow.
Then he will immediately depart to bring you full powers. But we shall not
appear in this at all ; he must get matters settled by this country itself, mon
Prince; from one moment to another, by the very slightest accident, the
whole affair may slip through our fingers, and result in some disastrous
resolution.

In Paris, M. Van de Weyer has broached the question of a prince.
He has asked for the Due de Nemours ; nothing was said to him about Prince
Leopold. They wanted to know if a Neapolitan or Bavarian prince would
be acceptable. But nothing has been decided. Whoever it is to be, he ought
to be sent here quickly ; there is not a moment to lose. Whenever a fresh
difficulty arises, their great argument for getting out of it, is the adoption of
the tricolour cockade. The country without Luxemburg would be quite in-
complete. It will be necessary to give it to some one it can like, so that it may
cling to him, and not be so ready to surrender itself to its neighbour. M.
Sebastiani writes to me to-day, in plain language, that if the King of Holland
does not raise the blockade with a good grace, France wiD undertake to make
him do so by force. So be it ; but if we go that length, it will be desirable
that England should take part in these coercive measures. There would be
great danger in our undertaking them alone. I send this evening by courier

324 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLE YRAND.

a ministerial despatch to M. de la Rochefoucauld, requesting him to make
known to the Dutch Government, these views of the King's Government. Per-
haps King William mav have tried to bring matters to this crisis.

After your two letters of the 25th, mon Prince, I received the one you
did me the honour to write on the l6th. I resign myself to remaining
here, since such is your wish. But we are still far from the goal, and I shall
not see you for a long time

Deign to accept, mon Prince, the assurance of my most respectful
devotion. Bresson.

No. 22. — Prince de Talleyrand to Madame Adelaide.

December 26th, 1830.

This memorable week has here been given up entirely to the most ter-
rible anxiety as to the state of Paris 'especially for me, who have never for
one moment had the Palais Royal, out of my mind. I have therefore no
news to send Mademoiselle, but I must tell her that never has a heavier,
or more painful weight rested near my heart. The King's sagacity will
afford him aid in dealing with the Government. This crisis will have made
known to him who are his true and who are his false friends in the Ministry,
and will, in this way, have done him good service. I have never felt myself
more entirely the King's servant than during these two last days, nor more
proud of representing him than to-day. I pray Mademoiselle to ask the King
to accept my homage, and also to receive for herself my most tender and
respectful compliments, as well as my best wishes for a happy New Year.

1 The trial of the Ministers commenced on the 15th of December, was not concluded till the
2ist, and during this period riots and disturbances had taken place daily in Paris.

END OF VOL. III.

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